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This article delves into the socio-ecological dimensions of OSPAAAL, the Cuban Third World solidarity institution, focusing particularly on the early years of its official organ: the magazine Tricontinental (1967–1971). Tricontinental 's articles and graphic works, even if not always in an explicit manner, addressed environmental concerns in a revolutionary way, anticipating debates that would later unfold on international institutional platforms. These concerns were primarily discussed in the context of the Third World's quest for autonomous production, closely intertwined with the agrarian question and sovereign industrialization. Key aspects such as land access, distribution, and resource management were pivotal. The publication's central emphasis on struggles for national liberation, especially within the guerrilla arena, played a crucial role in disseminating the anti-imperialist pursuit of a sovereign social metabolism across the Third World. Combining Cuban, Latin Americanist, and internationalist accents, Tricontinental also condemned the ecological impact of transnational corporations' predatory resource extraction in the Third World, while exploring alternative and cooperative models. This article unveils the latent socio-environmental dimensions of its critique, illustrating how ecological concerns subtly underpinned its anti-imperialist and internationalist discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes several documentary films on youth labor actions in socialist Yugoslavia, covering different stages of their organization. The analysis begins with educational films that outline recommended practices for the successful organization of youth labor actions. It continues with two films, shot 20 years apart, portraying international experiences of youth labor actions. These films, "Witnesses to the truth" (Svjedoci istine) from 1950 and "American woman" (Amerikanka) from 1970, articulate criticism in different ways, in keeping with when the films were made. The last film analyzed, Ho-Ruk! Ho-Ruk! Ho-Ruk! – filmed in 1974 – reflects on 30 years of experience of youth labor actions. Periodizing the films in this way presents three different views of youth labor actions, namely what they should become, what they are, and what they used to be. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editors discuss various reports within the journal on topics including the history of liberal internationalism, civilization, and the Euro-Atlantic international order in the post-Cold War era.

At the end of the First World War, defeated European empires ceded a wealth of imperial patronage, including palaces, government buildings and offices, to newly forming states in central Europe. While we know a great deal about these property transfers, the fate of ceded property in mandates and other newly emerging sovereign spaces, such as international zones, is less well known. This article traces the ways in which central European properties were reallocated and sold in international zones, with special reference to the International Zone of Tangier. While the remains of central European imperialism in Tangier were integrated into the international administration, this process encouraged erstwhile imperial powers to vie ever harder to reclaim 'their' former property, including private property portfolios. Meanwhile, it encouraged existing imperial powers to support private property purchases in order to secure advantages in the administration. In other words, internationalization entailed widespread competition for property that is omitted from the usual accounts of these spaces. Drawing attention to this phenomenon is important as it reveals the new forms imperial rivalries took on within the international structures created after the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-cultural communication is difficult in any context due to conflicting worldviews, intellectual frameworks and cultural assumptions. It is even more difficult without sympathetic appreciation of the problem. Through acknowledgement, acceptance, appreciation and adaptation, it is possible to move to a posture of mutual enrichment in multicultural engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to provide a broad overview of anti-apartheid activism in Ireland, in doing so, demonstrating that anti-apartheid activists in Ireland forged a distinct identity grounded in Ireland's anti-colonial history as well their alignment with the African National Congress (ANC) and South African Communist Party (SACP). Focusing on the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement (IAAM) it highlands the role played by its most prominent figure, the exiled South African academic and senior ANC/SACP member Kader Asmal. Securing a national profile through the mass protest campaign against the 1969–70 Springbok rugby tour, the IAAM portrayed itself as above domestic politics. Nonetheless, efforts to force the disaffiliation of the Provisional Sinn Féin in the early 1980s proved the impossibility of entirely avoiding entanglement in the domestic political climate. The IAAM was also criticised by the women who led the 1984–87 strike against South African goods at Dunnes' Stores, who saw it as dependent on middle-class support and reluctant to enter the industrial sphere. Drawing on engagement with the IAAM's internal archive, the article contributes towards filling a substantial gap in the scholarship of anti-apartheid activism globally, as well the study of left-wing activism and trade unionism in late 20th century Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Irish Democrat was the paper of the Connolly Association, a diaspora organisation established to build support for Irish republicanism within the British labour movement. The Connolly Association and the Irish Democrat had strong links to the Communist Party of Great Britain, which advocated for a peaceful mass movement to challenge the British presence in Northern Ireland and to remove discrimination faced by Catholics in the Six Counties. Encouraged by the wave of decolonisation across the British Empire in the 1950s-60s, both the CA and the CPGB saw the struggle against Unionist rule in Northern Ireland as analogous to events in Asia, Africa and the Middle East. This paper explores the narration of anti-colonial and national liberation movements elsewhere in the British Empire in the pages of the Irish Democrat and the overdetermination of Irish national questions by post-war discourses of radical decolonisation. It also traces the formation across difference of specific solidarities between the Connolly Association and other migrant communities within the multicultural political geography of post-war Britain, including out of campaigns against racial discrimination, the "colour bar" and post-war immigration controls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As political theorists explore work beyond traditional workplaces, how should we understand the vast class of insecure, informal, and unsalaried workers whose existence defies traditional categories of employment? In asking this question, I revisit the political theory of the Marxist feminist and cofounder of the International Wages for Housework movement, Selma James, to explore her "internationalism of the unwaged" and her writings on wagelessness. An example of political theory in service of struggle, James's internationalism was widely circulated in anticolonial, Black radical, and autonomous Marxist circles in the 1970s. In this article, I argue that it was grounded in three intertwined and mutually reinforcing arguments: an account of how capitalist life is spatially divided into distinct workplaces; an anticapitalist theory of identity that explains social difference as maintained by the international division of labor and labor market hierarchies; and a diagnosis of work organization viewed from the perspective of the wageless worker. I trace how James developed these arguments about the spatial division of labor, hierarchies of identity, and internationalist political struggle and how her view of the common exploitation and division of workers formed the basis of a class-struggle identity politics. Her political theory was an important contribution to women's international thought and transnational feminist critiques of global forms of domination and exploitation. It also offers a critique of capitalism's organization of the displacement of work and workers and an account of wagelessness as a work situation, both of which illuminate capitalist organization of work and wageless life today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Jewish Left in Palestine/Israel has its own legacies of Palestinian-Jewish activism. I will examine those legacies with a particular focus on the thirty years from 1993 to 2023, when the Jewish anti-occupation independent Left shifted from prioritizing Left anti-colonial secular internationalist ideologies as grounds for regional and international visions of equality from the River Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea into a hermeneutical introspection of what "Jewish" might mean in Palestine/Israel through intersectional and decolonial prisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the refuge revolutionary Cuba offered to Chilean and Uruguayan exiles. Fleeing dictatorships during Latin America’s Cold War, thousands arrived in, or passed through, Cuba. Cuba was a logical refuge, representing a revolution suffused with promises of solidarity, internationalism and socialist modernity. It was also conceived as a route of resistance and return. Centring the memories of former exiles, this article examines expectations and reality of refuge in Cuba. Revealing a diversity of exile experiences, it asks what different forms of refuge existed in Cuba, how these evolved and with what significance for understanding the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reconsiders A. D. Hope’s cutting appraisal of the group of young poets and artists from the University of Adelaide who have come to be known colloquially as “the Angry Penguins”. Setting aside the influence of the Ern Malley affair on the Penguins’ perceived importance, the article proposes that Hope has contributed fundamental misrepresentations about the identities of the Penguins cohort and their aspirations for Australian literary identity. Contrary to Hope’s opinion, the Angry Penguins—at least in the initial phase of their development—were not purveyors of an impenetrable brand of Australian surrealism, but were, rather, a group of diverse young poets advocating for the internationalisation of Australian cultural identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Cold War, Prague was home to several international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) uniting member organizations of different fields (students, journalists, trade unions, communist parties, churches and others). This article aims at a reinterpretation of their history through the lens of decolonization, presenting the NGOs not only as soldiers in the Cold War but also as 'hubs of anti-colonialism'. It shows the role of the 'Third World' delegates in the NGOs and their positioning toward Czechoslovak state socialism. It explores the mechanisms of knowledge production and transfers through media and training programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers reflections on how contemporary left internationalism could think through—and beyond—both "humanity" and "nation" when positioning its struggles. With this aim, it first turns to philosophy and then to history to distinguish unsettled questions that animate dilemmas of left internationalism today. The essay is not, in a straightforward way, an attempt to draw the boundaries, offer the definitions, and determine the strategies of left internationalism. Ultimately, it is an invitation to a partisan "we" who claims sides within humanity and nation. This "we" is an open question and permanent problem of left internationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decades between 1960s and 1980s were punctuated by intense anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles, the rise of Third World internationalism (both in terms of formal and informal connections), the articulation of viable economic alternatives to those imposed by the West, but also a massive wave of counterrevolution with bloody coups, assassinations, and interventions. Symbolically, the long 1960s started with Patrice Lumumba's assassination and ended in 1980 with Walter Rodney's assassination, and the defeat of the NIEO (New International Economic Order). While numerous analyses have engaged with these assassinations as historical events, this article seeks to provide a theoretical engagement with the phenomenon of Third World assassinations. The author's engagement with this phenomenon aims to broaden the idea, put forth by Quynh Pham and Himadeep Muppidi, of the "anxiety of domination." Drawing on Edward Said, James Baldwin, and Eqbal Ahmad, the article seeks to situate theoretically Third World assassinations within a larger paradigm of colonial/imperial anxiety: these acts of annihilation happened not simply because these individuals were on the opposite ideological divide but because their political vision exceeded the grasp of domination and intelligibility of imperial/colonial power and challenged in fundamental ways the imperially sanctioned "epistemic conformity." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bringing together political theorists of empire with critical scholars of international relations who have interrogated the methodological nationalism (indeed the fetish of the nation-state) of their disciplines, this special issue examines the multifaceted dimensions (including political, ideological, and psycho-affective) of a radical international thought. Going beyond articulations of anti-colonial struggle at the national level, the issue charts radical theories and praxes of insurgency and revolutionary violence and brings an internationalist framework to bear on historical moments like the Spanish Civil War, the rise of anti-imperial development alternatives, and the Civil Rights Movement in the United States, and others. In doing so, the issue spotlights thinkers who are rarely read in a global register, such as Martin Luther King Jr., James Baldwin, Jalāl Āl-e Ahmad, Ghassan Kanafani, and Eqbal Ahmad, among others. Furthermore, the introduction argues, the essays track these understudied articulations of radical international thought in the context of the traveling projects of imperial domination to which they responded. These radical figures' political thought and action, in turn, inspired further imperial responses, such as political assassinations in the Third World, counterrevolutionary tactics, and other modes of violence in the service of empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Issues of political consciousness amidst early industrial mining workers in Bolivia is discussed. Despite notable illiteracy, early Andean proletarianization reveals high engagement with modernity and the emergence of anti-imperialist activism.

This article examines the issues surrounding the First International Eugenics Congress, held in London in July 1912. After outlining the origins of eugenics, it examines the way in which this gathering can be described, testing the concepts of 'epistemic community' and 'transnational field' from a threefold perspective: firstly, a history of the ideas expressed at the congress and its organisation on different scales; secondly, a social analysis of the congress participants; and thirdly, a reflection on the effects of the eugenics congress in the short, medium and long term. The thesis defended is that the concept of the 'epistemic community', suggested by various historians, does not apply well to the London congress, which was intellectually and socially fragmented, whereas the 'transnational field' seems to be a more fruitful approach.

In this essay, I consider Meghji's implications for scholars of race, racism, and blackness/anti-blackness by providing an overview of Meghji's many interventions, and then pivoting to discussing its implications for understanding epistemological considerations of theorization of such questions and for understanding global solidarities around blackness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

André Morizet, born of revolutionary unionism, magazine man, doctor of law, mayor of Boulogne-sur-Seine in 1919, joined the French Communist Party from its foundation. Driven by internationalism and concern for unity, he travelled to the young Soviet Russia in 1921 and brought back a book, Chez Lenine et Trotski, prefaced by the Commissary to the People himself, to the resounding audience. We analyze through the figure of Morizet the enthusiasm, hesitations and doubts that cross a part of the political intellectuals in the face of the birth of the socialist nation and the implications of the successes of the Bolsheviks on the international socialist movement. We show that already points in the work a critical detachment. Gradually, although playing a leading role in the new party, Morizet distanced himself from the party he left in January 1923. This difficulty to face a radically new reality, to express one’s point of view on a situation, in particular the balance of power, both national and international, in permanent and unpredictable transformation, is indicative of this period of the dawn of communism and constitutes the thread of our analysis.

This article revisits the so-called ‘Jewish Question’ against the combined background of Marxist historiography and the resurgence of antisemitic and neofascist politics. It begins by analysing the critical reception of Marx’s formative essay, ‘On the Jewish Question’, and assesses its contemporary relevance in the aftermath of institutionalised antisemitism in the USSR, the monstrosity of the Shoah, the consolidation of the Israeli state, and the catastrophic ramifications of the ongoing Nakba. Despite the various defects of Marx and Engels’s reflections on the ‘Jewish Question’, their critical insights vividly anticipate the failings of liberalism, Soviet socialism, and Zionism in emancipating Jews, while also reminding contemporary Marxists about the political urgency of human emancipation. At its core, the ‘Jewish Question’ remains a universal question, extending to all oppressed peoples and classes that have been rendered abandoned and dispensable beings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay presents a transdisciplinary, reparatory history of police violence in Britain during the nineteen seventies and eighties. I consider how the histories of transcontinental colonial nationalisms and anticolonial internationalisms were intertwined with the development of transcolonial counterinsurgency operations and local modes of policing from the late eighteenth century. I argue that this is essential to an understanding of police violence in Britain that is interwoven with the trajectories of anticolonial, antifascist and antiracist political cultures. I discuss the psychopolitical legacies of police violence which illustrates the beginnings of a broader theory of racialised subjectification that I call biocolonisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous Australians and Palestinians experience some of the highest rates of incarceration and state violence in the world. In this article's first section we focus comparatively on administrative detention and other forms of incarceration to underline a commonality of oppression that is both historical and contemporary. We examine settler colonial structures of domination and the impact of structural violence on Indigenous bodies, seeking to understand how incarceration acts as a form of elimination, and how it contributes to the consolidation of settler colonial nationhood. To counter incarceration and elimination, this article's second and third sections call for a politics of solidarity premised on shared indigeneity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of United Nations (UN) tour guides from 1952 to 1977 and their contribution to public diplomacy. The guides, who were young women, played a crucial role in promoting the UN and became its public face for visitors. The article argues that the guides were diplomats in their own right, serving as stewards of internationalism. It also highlights the broader participation of young women in internationalism and challenges traditional notions of diplomacy and gender roles. The guides had autonomy over their tours and could emphasize important themes, but were expected to be objective representatives of the UN. They faced challenges such as sexism and objectification, but played a significant role in shaping public perceptions of the UN, particularly among American visitors. The article acknowledges the impact of the guides in promoting a positive image of the UN, but also recognizes the limitations they faced. The popularity of guided tours declined in the 1970s due to geopolitical shifts and increased air travel. Overall, the article emphasizes the important role of the UN guides in shaping public perception and understanding of the organization. [Extracted from the article]

Debates about reconstruction in Britain at the end of the Second World War included proposals to migrate up to half of the country's population across the Dominions. The advocates for mass migration included prominent figures in British civilian and military planning who were informed by anxieties about the consequences of a future war, the potential for demographic and trade imbalances to provoke social and economic problems, and concerns about Britain's place in the new balance of power. This article looks in detail at proposals to disperse millions of people from Britain by influential planner E.A.A. Rowse and Sir Henry Tizard, a prominent military scientist who held numerous high positions in the wartime and post-war governments. Proposals for mass migration on such a scale were outlandish and radical and have been somewhat dismissed in the historiography as a result, but a close analysis of these two interventions highlights how continuities in thinking about town planning and development in Britain intersected with those about migration and imperial development and were reframed by the emerging Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illuminates an intellectual puzzle of how South Korean cooperative movements attempt to overcome the dilemma between localistic practices and the value of internationalism. Moving beyond anti-capitalistic debates of building links globally, the cooperative movement brings Fair Trade products from developing countries to consumer cooperatives in South Korea, resulting in a scaling up of community economies globally and forging real international solidarity. Engaging with feminist theories put forward by Gibson-Graham and their collaborators, this article calls upon an expanded feminist politics that challenge the "spatial bounding" of community economies that are often joined with localistic practices. Born as one of the most significant forms of community economies to address the economic precarity of grassroots farmers and workers during the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997, iCOOP was set up as a consumer cooperative federation to support local Korean producers with alternative market linkage. Through Fair Trade movement, iCOOP serves as an interesting case to overcome localistic practices and nurture the value of internationalism. This article develops an expanded feminist politics of community economies to confront the tendency of localistic practices by providing four layers of analysis: value, campaign tactics, new governance structure, and scaling solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asking how being 'international' relates to privilege, I analyse a role-play game, the Students' League of Nations, where pupils and teachers from select international schools simulate the UN General Assembly in Geneva. I document distinctive practices of selection and visions of excellence as talent, using Bourdieu's notion of 'institutional rite'. I combine insider ethnography and quantitative analyses of the host school with a historical account of its' elitism to bridge the gap between macro- and micro-analyses of 'everyday nationalism'. I show how this game draws a symbolic boundary between 'international' and 'local' high schools by separating students who are considered worthy of transgressing their national identity from all others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin America has promoted the nonintervention principle as a fundamental tenet of the international order. The region defends this principle to prevent abuses of force by great powers. Why, then, have Latin American governments been reticent to support Ukraine against the ongoing Russian invasion? The Latin American reactions to the Russian invasion do not represent a normalisation of aggression or a rejection of the international order. The Latin American responses are anchored in two regional approaches to the international order favouring nonintervention: republicanism promotes collective responses while pluralism defends non‐Western values. If the West wants to win more Latin American support for Ukraine, it is necessary to disentangle supporting Ukraine and defending the international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first two decades of the twentieth century saw an intense period of international feminist organising and campaigning. Organisations such as the International Alliance of Women (1904), the Socialist Women’s International (1907), and the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (1915) exemplified the transnational geography of the movement. This was also a time in which women’s writing moved in new ways, imagining speculative utopian worlds to accompany their radical gender politics. This article examines two literary feminist utopias from the early twentieth century: Pauline Hopkins’s Of One Blood (1902–3) and Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain’s Sultana’s Dream (1905). While US writer Hopkins’s Of One Blood offers an early Afrofuturist or Black internationalist utopia that reflects women’s struggles, Hossain presents a simultaneously feminist and anti-colonial imagining of the world. Both these works, in an internationalist tradition, criticise both patriarchal and racist or colonial world orders, demonstrating the vital role played by literary utopian works in feminism of the early twentieth century [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the effects of consumer ethnocentrism, consumer internationalism, and consumer cosmopolitism on Malaysians' purchasing of electrical and electronic products from China. A reconceptualized consumer ethnocentrism measurement scale was used to capture cognitive, affective, and behavioral dimensions that previous studies have ignored. A total of 555 consumers were sampled through online questionnaires distributed on social media and used Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modelling to test the proposed model. The results show that consumer ethnocentrism has a significant negative effect on Malaysian consumers' willingness to buy Chinese products. In contrast, consumer cosmopolitanism was rejected due to opposing path directions, and consumer internationalism was insignificant. Future research should examine multi-dimensional consumer ethnocentrism in other countries and products, and incorporate alternative measurements for consumer cosmopolitanism. The research recommends that managers consider multi-dimensional consumer ethnocentrism when strategizing to market international products, as it provides more depth than simply relying on consumer cosmopolitanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Comparative Literature / Primerjalna Književnost is the property of Slovenian Comparative Literature Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Paris Commune led to annual celebrations from the labor movement across the globe. This article focuses on those in Britain and the United States from 1871 to the end of the century, exploring how the event's interpretation and function within a community has fluctuated over this period. It discusses the internationalism present in demonstrations as people shed their national identity and joined an internationalist community in celebration each year. It analyzes how the labor movement in each country responded to perceived threats from outside their community in the wake of the Haymarket Affair. It also demonstrates that the Commune was a palimpsest, an event that could be reinterpreted each year to express whatever ideals the movement needed. It was a call to reform and revolution, to hope and despair, and to past and future. The article's analysis of British and American Commune celebrations reveals a rich and evolving community that emphasized internationalism and oppression during a turbulent period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the overlooked contributions of Iranian students in the United States to US-based social movements against imperialism. Topics include the predominance of US racial formations in shaping ethnic studies, the impact of the geopolitical relationship between Iran and the United States on the perception of Iranian students, and the complex political consciousness and internationalism of Iranian students as explored in Manijeh Moradian's book, This Flame Within.

On the basis of German and Cuban archival documents, the present article tries to apply the global history notion of ‘entanglement’ to the study of intercontinental personnel circulations within and at the margins of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA). It shows the flows of personnel which were set in motion by the implementation of the CMEA’s task of achieving convergence in the sense of ‘aligning the developmental level’ of its member states. At the same time, it examines the contribution of these personnel flows to the convergence function of the CMEA. Angola is taken as a case study by investigating the Cuban–East German–Angolan entanglement in intercontinental mobility, with a specific focus on the circulating personnel; by examining institutional and everyday practices of dealing with inequality in these encounters; and by evaluating Cuba’s role in the CMEA on the level of personnel encounters, exchanges, and interactions. The present contribution zooms into personal encounters between Cubans, East Germans and Angolans in Angola while assessing how the organisational setting of these encounters mediated inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on literary dimension of communist internationalism has significantly contributed to the understanding of world literature by examining its institutions and global networks. Topics include Afro-Asian Writers' Association, the role of cities like Moscow and Havana in publishing, and the impact of communist writers' organizations in promoting non-European literature.

This article considers the "warring ideals" (Du Bois, Souls of Black Folks) of Black American solidarity with Third World Internationalism and complicity in U.S. imperialism through a reading of Lauren Wilkinson's American Spy (2019). The novel, a spy thriller, centers on the life and experience of Marie Mitchell, a Black woman FBI agent recruited by the CIA to further an assassination plot against Thomas Sankara, the charismatic socialist leader of Burkina Faso. The story puts individual career advancement in the service of American imperialism in direct tension with the larger collectivist goals of Black and Third World liberation. Thus, the novel invites an exploration of the geopolitical implications of Du Bois's famous formulation about Black American double consciousness, a formulation most often considered solely as a matter of individual psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 1960 marked the fiftieth death anniversary of Leo Tolstoy (1828–1910), one of the earliest self-proclaimed world writers. That summer, the CIA-funded Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF) organized a lavish international conference near Venice; meanwhile, in Haifa, the Palestinian Trotskyist Jabra Nicola (1912–1974) published his translation of Tolstoy's sex-obsessed late novella The Kreutzer Sonata. These two events exemplified contrasting styles of Cold War literary internationalism, one aspiring to global dominance and the other to local impact. Both responded to Tolstoy's "world" status, Kreutzer 's moral ambition, and the Soviet Union's successful appropriation of nineteenth-century Russian literature. Exploring the CCF archives and the Arabic Kreutzer tradition, this article asks how each of these 1960 events came about, what they assumed, and what they achieved. The Palestinian Israeli case offers a usefully peripheral perspective from which the Cultural Cold War appears both more tangible and less strictly bipolar. Jabra's translation used the resources provided by Soviet cultural diplomacy for local progressive ends: not to press for social change in Arab society, but to build the cultural confidence of readers who found themselves both minoritized as Israelis and isolated from their fellow Arabs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the national poet as surrogate: the rhetorical and poetic repertory that enables speaking for the national collectivity, and the ease with which this repertory is redirected to speak on behalf of other collectivities. It is a commonplace to attribute to Soviet multinational culture a Romantic nationalist genealogy, but this continuity or revival has generally been located in genre, intertextuality, and theories of the nation. Here, the author focuses instead on the tool kit of representation, and surrogacy in particular, arguing that the Soviet multinational literary system was a crucible that transformed the representational resources of Romanticism for the postcolonial age. The author's account draws on the distinctively neo-Romantic approaches to representation proposed by Lukacs and Ankersmit to consider the Soviet reception and translation of the major national poets Robert Burns, Victor Hugo, and Taras Shevchenko. It also follows the Soviet Eastern (Kyrgyz, Tajik, and Iranian émigré) writer-functionaries who translated the Romantics through their own acts of surrogate representation in the Third World. The result is an account of how the Soviet Union, simultaneously anti-colonial and semicolonial, bridged the transition from the Romantic figure of the national poet to the postcolonial figure of the literary representative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document provides a list of contributors to the journal Diplomatic History. The contributors are scholars and professors from various universities around the world, including the United States, Brazil, Canada, Germany, Turkey, and the United Kingdom. Their areas of expertise cover a wide range of topics, such as environmental history, Cold War relations, World War II, international relations, gender and women's history, and the history of specific countries like Russia, Vietnam, and Iran. The document includes information about their academic positions, publications, and current research projects. [Extracted from the article]

As highlighted in the recent controversies over European immigrants and the refugee 'crisis' that culminated in Brexit, Labour's struggle in balancing its internationalist principles with policy administration has been a constant theme in the party's immigration and refugee policy. This article situates the Labour Party's discussion on the 1919 Aliens Act in the context of post-war internationalism, and contends that the change in focus from pre-war advocacy of the British liberal tradition to internationalist concerns reflected both the socialist proclamation of the Labour Party and the liberal internationalism of the time. The 1919 Aliens Act was deemed an example of selfish nationalism likely to undermine international peace and workers' solidarity. At the same time, however, Labour also sought to shake off the suspicion that advocacy of free immigration could pose – that the party prioritized foreigners over Britons – by reconciling internationalism with patriotism. Insisting that true internationalism be built upon love of one's home country, Labour politicians did not give up their patriotic and national claims, and accepted that a state could restrict the inflow of foreigners in times of national difficulty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reconsiders contemporary internationalist experiences in relation to the multiple temporalities that characterized key cycles of struggles in the 2010s. Although these cycles are heterogeneous in social and political composition, they have resulted in significant synchronizations. The article's specificity lies in linking a reinterpretation of internationalism to an examination of the role that multitemporalities play both in longue durée capital development and in the various phases that characterized the post-2008 world. The series of crises that have marked the past decade have in fact led to contradictory outcomes, on the one hand opening the door to the rise of post-fascist forces, while on the other hand triggering unusual and powerful struggles. These outcomes have contradictory political orientations but are united by the fact they all have temporalities that are discordant with those initially imposed by capitalist processes. With regard to social movements, the article shows how the diversity of the geographies, practices, and claims animating them can be understood as unfolding "within and against" the post-2008 global scenario. It illustrates how contemporary social movements exhibit complex and contradictory rhythms and temporalities, arguing that the tuning between these multitemporalities is vital for rethinking the renewal of internationalism today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion is the great absentee in the history of internationalism. Earlier studies have begun to highlight the critical role played by religious internationalism in the making of the modern world, but the relations between non-confessional internationalism and religious actors have, to date, been completely overlooked. This article explores the relationship between non-confessional internationalism and Catholicism, with the intention of enriching both the history of internationalism and that of Catholicism in the twentieth century. Specifically, it focuses on the relationship between a number of non-confessional internationalist actors – from the Paneuropean Union and other world and European federalist movements to war refugees – and Pope Pius XII, between 1944 and 1948. Based on the recently opened Vatican archives, the following pages address three fundamental issues: (1) What did the Pope represent in the internationalist imagination? (2) Why did non-confessional internationalists seek contact with him? (3) How did the Pope respond to the requests for support that he received? As a whole, the requests for support examined in this paper clearly show the centrality of Pius XII in the imagination – and strategies – of non-confessional internationalism in the 1940s, including popular internationalism. Between 1944 and 1948, all roads really seemed to lead to Rome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]