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The article focuses on the United States Navy's shift in focus from wars in Iraq and Afghanistan to the Asia-Pacific region. It highlights the importance of strategic partnerships and alliances with local navies in the region to maintain influence and uphold the international rules-based order. Additionally, it discusses the challenges of data sharing and integration among allied navies and the need for realistic expectations in terms of combat performance.

The article discusses the Iraqi military's effort to combat the Islamic State (ISIS) terrorist group, and it mentions a battle for control over the city of Mosul, Iraq in 2016. A U.S.-led military coalition and Iraqi Kurdish militias (peshmerga) are addressed, along with suicide car bombers and fighting involving Raqqa, Syria. The political weakness of Iraq in the wake of an American occupation during the Iraq War is examined, along with Shi‘ite-led militias and Turkish rebel forces.

The article discusses the political, military, and war-related conditions in Iraq as of 2016, and it mentions Iraq's survival and the author's claim that Iraq must solve its political divisions before it can defeat the Islamic State (ISIS) terrorist group. According to the article, the number of American military troops that are in Iraq in 2016 is the highest amount since U.S. President Barack Obama completed the withdrawal of American forces in 2011. Kurdish fighters are assessed.

The article profiles U.S. Army General General and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Martin Dempsey, focusing on his support for sending U.S. ground forces back to Iraq to fight the terrorist organization Islamic State of Iraq and Greater Syria (ISIS, currently IS). Topics include a professional biography of Dempsey; political pressures on U.S. President Barack Obama against going to war; and comments from military personnel on the resources necessary to defeat ISIS.

The article discusses the political and military aspects of America's efforts to defeat the Islamic State (ISIS) terrorist organization while also saving Iraq, and it mentions a military offensive against ISIS in Mosul, Iraq that is led by Iraqi security forces. According to the article, the U.S. government lacks the strategy or the willpower to achieve peace in Iraq. It states that 2016 U.S. presidential candidates Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton have failed to issue plans for defeating ISIS.

This photo essay presents U.S. troops with members of the Iraqi Army and National Police Force whom they are deployed to support and advise in the cities of Iraq.

This article discusses the U.S. military's use of drones known as unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) combined with Global Positioning Systems (GPS) to track enemy movements, detect land mines, and scout potential routes in Iraq. According to the article, these UAVs are revolutionizing warfare by keeping more U.S. soldiers out of direct combat and providing valuable strategic information.

The article provides a look at anthropologists' research in Baghdad, Iraq. These anthropologists act as advisers and assist the military in understanding the social connections in Iraq to help create alliances, assess intelligence and avoid potentially harmful situations. It is reported that some critics believe that the research in Iraq is actually a covert intelligence operation.

The article examines the effects and consequences of the American troop surge in the Iraq War. Baghdad has become safer but Iraqi political reconciliation lags. Tactics that quelled violence in Sunni Anbar Province may not work elsewhere. Democrats in the U.S. Congress don't yet have the votes to force a policy change and questions surround any U.S. troop withdrawal. INSET: WHAT THE REPORTS SAY.

The article analyzes the operations of the Iraq Study Group and the efforts for a potential exit strategies for the United States' campaign in Iraq. Suggestions for strategies run the gamut from a full-on withdrawal of U.S. military forces to increasing the U.S. military presence to diplomatic steps for making accommodations with insurgents. Viewpoints on the various strategies are discussed and critiqued, including the suggestion that the military strategy must force Iraqis to reach a political solution.

This article addresses the involvement of the United States military in Iraq. This issue has invoked outrage among the nation since the war's inception in 2003. Democrats, Republicans and citizens alike are divided over how to best handle the eventual withdrawal of troops. The article offers five points of advice for U.S. policy makers, including cleaning out rogues, deal with Al-Sadr, bring the Sunnis back, wake up the neighbors, and lastly, get though, then get out.

The article speculates on the decline in the sense of solidarity and confidence that most U.S. citizens felt with one another and with the national government in the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks. It explores the country's initial willingness to accept increased security measures as well as its eagerness to support regime change in Iraq. The article considers U.S. citizens' changing attitudes as time passes and more information about homeland security and foreign policy is revealed.

The article focuses on the long term U.S. military infrastructure being built in Iraq. Major Micah Morgan, who launches and lands satellite-controlled unmanned aircraft in Baghdad's Balad air base, is discussed. Though the construction of the new $592 million, 104 acre U.S. embassy in Iraq is expected to be finished by June 2007, Lt. Col. Barry Johnson and other U.S. officials claim that America does not intend to put down permanent bases.

This article profiles Thomas Young, a veteran from the Iraq War. Young, a Kansas City, Missouri native, was shot during an ambush in Sadr City, only four days after arriving in Iraq. The shooting left Young paralysed, confined to a wheelchair, and has caused numerous other health problems since his return from the war.

The article reports on the war in Iraq. The United States is attempting to sever Iraqi nationalist ties with al-Qaeda in Iraq. President George W. Bush's approval rating has suffered because of the war. Transforming the nationalists from guerillas to political leaders and members of the new Iraqi army is seen as a way of pulling out of Iraq more quickly.

The author describes conditions in postwar Iraq with the view that reconstruction efforts have failed. A strange column of dark smoke rises from a lush palm grove. And suddenly, huge nauseating plumes of raw sewage spill from pipes at Baghdad's southern edge. Throughout the country, vital systems, from water and power to healthcare and education, are in woeful disrepair. The World Bank estimates that bringing Iraq back to its 1991 level of development will cost $55 billion and take at least four years. From a military standpoint, reconstruction is central to the US counterinsurgency effort. But seen up close, reconstruction in Iraq looks less like a mission of mercy or a sophisticated pacification program and more like a criminal racket. The Rustimiyah sewage plants are among the few facilities given explicit mention as priority projects in Bechtel's contract-related documents. Together the two plants should handle all the sewage from Baghdad's populous east side, known as Rusafa; before the war the plants were fully functional but haven't processed any sewage since April 2003. Now their daily flow of 780,000 cubic yards of human and industrial waste--a nasty cocktail of organic solids, heavy metals and poisonous chemicals from a battery factory, a soap factory, an electronics plant and other light industry--goes directly into the Diyala River, which joins the Tigris seven miles southwest of the plants. At the Al Daura power plant, Baghdad's main source of electricity, Bechtel's main subcontractors, Siemens and General Electric, fled after four Russian contractors were assassinated, according to sources at the plant. Most of the little that has been invested in healthcare, water treatment and sanitation has come from Iraqi oil revenues, managed for most of last year by the Development Fund for Iraq, a US controlled successor to the UN-run Oil for Food program.

Considers whether the U.S. occupation of Iraq is turning into a quagmire similar to the war in Vietnam. Discussion of President George W. Bush's statements about America's commitment to completing the job in Iraq, despite recent setbacks; Speculation about whether the American people will be willing to make the sacrifices necessary to bring stability and democracy to Iraq; Results of polls on Americans' attitudes towards the occupation; Observation that the occupation of Iraq may be more similar in some ways to the Israeli invasion of Lebanon than the Vietnam war; Claim that there are parallels between Iraq and Vietnam, including the battlefield challenges, the debate over whether to send more troops, the nationalism of the Iraqi people, and the possibility that Iraq--like Vietnam--could turn into an open-ended war for vague or shifting strategic aims on behalf of an ungrateful people; Observation that both Iraq and Vietnam were wars of choice; Comparison between Bush's advisers and Vietnam-era defense secretary Robert McNamara; Claim that the administration's biggest fear is that the U.S. will lose its credibility if it abandons Iraq.

Presents a look at the Baathists, terrorists, Islamists and disaffected Iraqis fighting U.S. troops. Descriptions of the various insurgent groups, their leaders, connections and tactics; First-hand account of a mission to hit a U.S. military target; The various groups who are trying to form a better organized base of resistance to U.S. forces; Differing goals which include those who wish to bring back Saddam Hussein and those who believe fighting the infidels is a Koranic imperative.

Presents the text of a speech given by U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld on May 14, 2003, which deals with the 2003 U.S.-led war against Iraq.

Focuses on the Iraqi soldiers called the Republican Guard and what happened to them during the Iraq War. Methods used by 'Time' magazine to access information regarding the troops in certain battlefields where they were stationed prior to American military moving into Baghdad; Indications that many of the Republican guard survived, but deserted; Details of the deployment of Iraqi troops south of Baghdad; Reports from the military commanders in the field, suggesting the Republican Guard were outmanned and unprepared for American military force; Number of bombs directed at Republican Guard positions.

Examines Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein's survival strategy against a possible U.S.-led invasion. How Hussein's stalling tactics could sway international opinion; Outlook for Iraqi resistance as U.S. forces push north out of Kuwait; Views of U.S. intelligence; Probable role of Hussein's elite Republican Guard; Suggested scenarios, including the use of biological weapons; Why Hussein has reason to question U.S. staying power.

Discusses U.S. fears if there should be a war with Iraq. View that the U.S. would win the way, but there are ramifications America must be prepared to deal with; U.S. protocol if Iraqi forces unleash chemical or biological weapons arsenal; What if Saddam Hussein and his forces make a last stand in Baghdad; How to deal with Iraqi oil wells if they are set ablaze; Strategies to deploy if Saddam Hussein intentionally puts civilians in harm's way; How to deal with terrorists who acquire Iraq's weapons of mass destruction; View that Iraq will descend into chaos after Saddam Hussein is ousted.

Offers observations on the influence of liberal politicians over United States military policies during a period of imminent war against Iraq. The day before the president's address, the world received what should have been the final word on that process in the form of a report by chief U.N. weapons inspector Hans Blix. Blix's verdict is positively devastating in its characterization of Iraqi unwillingness to accept disarmament. So we now have reached the conditions under which, according to the standards once urged by most liberals, the United States must disarm Iraq by force. Yet the moderate, respectable opponents of the war--those who claimed they would favor military action if other steps failed--remain, for the most part, unmoved. The editorials of The New York Times are a good showcase of the intellectual incoherence of the liberal war critics. The most curious feature of moderate anti-war sentiment, at the Times and elsewhere, is its refusal to engage with the central question: Would Iraq, if permitted to rebuild its nuclear, biological, and chemical arsenal, pose a threat to the United States?

The U.S. military is conducting urban warfare exercises for the brigade of the 10th Mountain Division, which launched a 12-hour, simulated house-to-house assault in the dark of night here at the Army's Joint Readiness Training Center. The mission was declared a success, but the numbers were grim: Of the 146 Alpha Company men who led the assault on the city, only 14 remained standing at daybreak. Officially, the battle was for Shughart-Gordon, a phantom city of 29 plywood and cinder block buildings named to honor two Army Delta Force soldiers killed in Somalia in 1993. The Bush administration's declaration that Iraq was in "material breach" of United Nations Security Council resolutions makes a second Gulf War ever more likely. So the military's stepped-up training in urban warfare could be crucial to prying Iraq from Saddam Hussein's grasp. Defense and intelligence officials say Iraq's poorly trained Army and ragtag Air Force pose little threat to the U.S. military in the desert, so they believe Saddam will take the battle into cities like Baghdad and Tikrit. It is on those streets where a disparate collection of Iraqi paramilitary units may await U.S. forces. In addition to three armored Republican Guard brigades encircling Baghdad, Saddam is believed to have 12,500 of his elite Special Republican Guards protecting key locations inside the city. The Saddam Fedayyeen, a thuggish group of soldiers commanded by Saddam's son Uday, and Iraq's Special Security Service are also expected to remain loyal until the end. And U.S. officials are particularly concerned about the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK), a well-drilled army of 5,000 Iranian dissidents Saddam has trained to launch strikes over Iraq's eastern border.

Presents humorous quotations related to world events from 2002. Justification by U.S. President George W. Bush on trying to remove Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein from power; Opinion of Rev. Jerry Falwell that Muhammad was a terrorist; Defense by U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld of the treatment of Afghan detainees at the naval base in Guantánamo, Cuba; Suggestion by Senate Republican leader Trent Lott that the nation would be much better off if segragationist presidential candidate Strom Thurmond had been elected in 1948; Others.

Argues against the U.S. Senate approval of the H.J. Resolution 114, authorizing the use of military force against Iraq. Essence of the worldwide to the planned military campaign; Design of an alternative resolution; Importance of dealing with Iraq in a multinational basis.

Focuses on the changes and situation of the U.S. government policy toward Iraq. Crisis over the elimination of the use of weapons of mass destruction (WMD); Fear of the U.S. government on the capacity of Iraq to provide WMD expertise to terrorists; International reactions to U.S. reprisals against Iraq. INSET: Role of the UN Security Council..

Discusses measure both the United States and Israel have taken in preparing for war with Iraq. Discussion of the Israeli special forces unit, Shaldag; Mention of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK); Discussion of United Nations weapons inspectors.

In a secret directive after the U.S. Congress have its official approval for a war against Saddam Hussein's Iraq, U.S. President George W. Bush authorized $92 million to support the Iraqi opposition, much of it designated to prepare a modest exile military force for battle alongside American troops. The list of targets the Pentagon is drawing up includes not just chemical weapons sites, presidential palaces, and munitions depots, and not only Saddam himself, but also the hundreds of Baath Party loyalists who keep the Iraqi dictator in power. The U.S. Pentagon will train 3,000 to 5,000 Iraqi dissidents for possible deployment as scouts and target spotters during a military campaign. Unlike during Desert Storm, when the first President Bush rallied a broad international coalition against Iraqi aggression, this time the United States faces being tarred as anti-Muslim. Yet, several key Muslim countries are helping out. The Pentagon is confident that Turkey will allow the United States to base forces for the invasion, and Jordan is currently hosting teams of special operations forces just across Iraq's western border. As many in the military see it, the impending invasion of Iraq is less of a new front in the war on terrorism than a settling of an old score--the final reckoning for an enemy who has violated a cease-fire imposed on him and poses a current and growing threat to American interests. U.S. Defense officials believe that with better sensor technology, unmanned Predator drones loitering above the western desert, and the new Israeli "Arrow" air defense system, they will have more success than during the Gulf War, when about 90 Scuds were launched from Iraq. The campaign will probably include massive leaflet drops, radio and television broadcasts into Baghdad from ground stations, and the Air Force's Commando Solo aircraft.

Discusses military strategy and weapons available for a United States attack on Iraq. Details of the capabilities of joint direct-attack munition (JDAM) in an air war; Topics of a so-called agent defeat weapons, smart and dumb bombs, what U.S. forces would program the JDAM to hit in Iraq, improvements made to ordinance and guidance systems since the Gulf War, defenses of Iraq, and preparations of U.S. ground troops.

Analyzes the varying opinions on a U.S.-led war against Iraq. Reasons why U.S. President George W. Bush feels Iraq is dangerous; Hussein's power base within Iraq; Method used to determine Iraqi weapons cache; Hussein's efforts to acquire enriched uranium; How to enrich non-bomb-grade uranium; Problems for planning war based on conflicting intelligence reports; Possible link between al-Qaeda and Iraq; Likelihood and consequences of Hussein using weapons; Risks of going to war; Psychological opinions about Hussein. INSETS: Saddam's workshop;Rogue threats.

Reports on the United States desire to have unfettered access into the palaces of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein. Reasons behind inspecting palaces; Comments by former weapons inspectors, Scott Ritter, Robert Gallucci and Charles Duelfer claiming Iraqi deceit; Claims by Ritter that United States had ulterior motives in 1995 palace inspections; Comments by a civil engineer who worked on Hussein's palaces; Claims of former Hussein bodyguard that the palaces have refrigerated rooms filled with containers of unknown content.

Reports on the status of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). Agreement reached at a meeting in Osaka, Japan, to leave oil production quotas unchanged; Statement from Saudi Arabian oil minister Ali Al-Naimi, who is credited with turning OPEC into a businesslike organization; Prices for barrels of oil; Effects of OPEC on the international economy; Relations with the West; Goal of OPEC to bring stability to the oil market through reliable supplies and stable prices; Effects of a possible U.S. attack on Iraq.

Focuses on the views of U.S. President George W. Bush toward war with Iraq. Emotions of Bush concerning the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001; Belief that the attack on the U.S. was also an attack on ideology; Perception of Bush that the regime of Saddam Hussein is a danger to the U.S.

Reports on the aggressive attitude of United States Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld, concerning Iraq and Saddam Hussein. Discussion of his efforts to influence President George W. Bush in his decision to invade Iraq because it has developed weapons of mass destruction; Background on Rumsfeld, his relationship with Vice President Dick Cheney, and how he is viewed by other advisors in the Bush administration.

Discusses the outlook for and consequences of a United States war with Iraq. Reasons to oust the regime of Saddam Hussein, including his efforts to develop a nuclear capability that would alter the balance of power in the Middle East; Idea that a U.S. invasion against Saddam will prompt him to use weapons of mass destruction to widen the war, especially against Israel; Role of Saudi Arabia in the rationale for not attacking Saddam; Impact of the cost of another war like Desert Storm on the U.S. economy.

Focuses on the November 1998 standoff between United States President Bill Clinton and Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. Saddam's refusal to comply with United Nations weapons inspections; US threats of military attack, and Saddam's apparent retreat from his position; US efforts to weaken Saddam; Effects of bombing Iraq; The risks of going to war; Cost of mobilizing forces in response to crises caused by Saddam.

Describes plans to bomb Iraq due to Saddam Hussein's refusal to allow United Nations (UN) weapons inspections. Role of national security adviser Sandy Berger; Consideration of what to do after an attack, and what to do if Saddam capitulated; Plans for military action by the United States; International opinion leaving Saddam isolated; Iraq's strategy; Concerns about US credibility; Saddam's grievances against the UN. INSET: The President's Triggerman, by Douglas Waller.

Focuses on the threats presented by the crisis in relations between the United States and Iraq in November 1997. The fear of weapons of mass destruction; Inability to predict or defend against the weapons that Saddam Hussein has at his disposal; President Bill Clinton's apparent determination to respond; Background of the crisis; The fragility of the coalition of allies against Iraq. INSETS: The terrain, the targets, the troops.;Bundled out of Baghdad, by Alan Dacey.;Playing from the rough, by Howard Fineman..

Focuses on the implications of Saddam Hussein's expulsion of United States arms inspectors from Iraq in November of 1997. Evidence that Saddam is restoring his capability to build an arsenal including chemical and biological agents; Collapse of the coalition that drove Saddam's army out of Kuwait in 1991; Question of what can be done to stop Saddam from building doomsday weapons.

Looks at the war of nerves between American President Bill Clinton and Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein in 1996, regarding the military conflicts between their countries. Hussein's flexing of military muscles five years after the gulf war, including firing on United States aircraft; Hussein's slight backing down; American allies' lack of interest in a fight.

Reports on the United States' military strike against Iraq, the country led by old nemesis Saddam Hussein. President Bill Clinton's order for the strike, after Iraqi troops and tanks swept into the Kurdish city of Erbil in northern Iraq; Infighting between Kurdish factions the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan and the Kurdistan Democratic Party; Reaction of American allies to the United States strike.

Argues against the need for the U.S. to launch a war against Iraq. Comparison of the response of the U.S. to military events in the Persian Gulf in 1980 and in 1990; Attempts made by Iraq to take control of the Gulf region; Dependence of the developed and developing economies on the energy resources in the Gulf; Response of President George Bush's administration to Iraqi seizure of Kuwait; Public reaction to Iraq's aggression; Purposes that the U.S. military action in Iraq must serve; Reasons why the public has not responded positively to the prospect of war against Iraq; Dilemma faced by the U.S. government in resolving the military crisis; Need to combine sanctions with military forces to resolve the issue.