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The Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) has become the world's largest comparative assessment of academic achievement. While hundreds of studies have examined the factors predicting student achievement in PISA, a comprehensive overview of the main predictors has yet to be completed. To address this gap, we conducted a systematic literature review of factors predicting mathematics performance in PISA. Guided by Bronfenbrenner's ecological model of human development, we synthesized the findings of 156 peer reviewed articles. The analysis identified 135 factors that fall into five broad categories: individual student, household context, school community, education systems and macro society. The analysis uncovered seven factors that are consistently associated with math achievement in PISA. Student grade level and overall family SES (socio-economic status) are consistently positively associated with math achievement while five factors are consistently negatively associated with math achievement: student absenteeism and lack of punctuality, school repeating and dropout rate, school prevalence of students' misbehavior, shortage of teachers and general staff, and student-centered instruction. Fourteen factors tend to be positively or negatively associated with math achievement. The explanatory power of many other factors, however, remain mixed. Explanations for this result include methodological differences, complex interactions across variables, and underlying patterns related to national-cultural context or other meso or macro-level variables. Implications for policy and research are discussed.

AbstractIncluding women into their ranks offers non-state armed groups advantages in terms of mobilisation, intelligence gathering, and establishing ties with civilians. However, especially in conservative societies, this inclusion of could also cause backlash from group members and supporters. While several previous studies analyse why rebels choose to recruit female combatants, limited attention has been paid to women in non-combat roles. I address this gap by studying the drivers of women’s inclusion into rebel groups as non-fighting members, hence contributing to wider efforts to bring gender-sensitive approaches to research on security and violence. Specifically, I conduct a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) of 118 groups in the period 1989–2015. The results indicate that a conjunction of supply-side factors (female unemployment, gender inequality) and demand-side factors (leftist ideology, territorial control, military strength) drive female non-combat participation in rebel groups. The causal impact of women’s marginalisation is highly context-dependent: Leftist rebels’ calls for gender equality are appealing to (particularly poor and excluded) women. Yet, rebels with high demand for skilled labour prefer to recruit non-marginalised women that received at least some job training. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war on terror as a discourse assumes that terrorism is an essential threat of global proportions, is mostly perpetuated by Islamist networks, and requires a strong international response. This discourse had tremendous impacts on both domestic and international politics. Consequentially, a large number of studies analyse the assumptions underlying and the policies legitimised by the war on terror discourse. However, existing work mostly focusses on one or a few cases, predominantly in the global north. This article introduces a novel dataset containing information on the war on terror discourse in the school textbooks of 36 countries, representing around 64% of the world's population, for the period 2003–2014. Based on this dataset, I present the first comprehensive analysis of the global diffusion of the war on terror discourse. The study finds that the discourse has by no means globalised but is mostly limited to wealthy countries in Europe and North America. There are hence clear limits to the USA's soft power and the hyper-globalisation of terrorism discourses. Factors like terrorism intensity, armed conflict and authoritarian regime have little predictive power. This is despite clear incentives for challenged (authoritarian) regimes to adapt the war on terror discourse. Contrary to common assumptions in critical security and terrorism studies, the war on terror discourse is hardly associated with an emphasis on terrorists' irrationality and hatred or with the marginalisation of socio-political grievances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the geopolitical imaginations promoted via environmental education in the school textbooks of five states in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. In doing so, it builds bridges between critical studies of education and political ecology. It shows that, when addressing environmental problems, the textbooks examined depoliticize environmental problems and sustain political and economic power structures. They do so by individualizing responsibility for environmental problems, legitimizing political and economic elites, associating environmental protection with wider societal goals, and externalizing environmental problems.

Interest in the intersections of environmental issues, peace and conflict has surged in recent years. Research on the topic has developed along separate research streams, which broadened the knowledge base considerably, but hardly interact across disciplinary, methodological, epistemological and ontological silos. Our forum addresses this gap by bringing into conversation six research streams on the environment, peace and conflict: environmental change and human security, climate change and armed conflict, environmental peacebuilding, political ecology, securitisation of the environment, and decolonizing environmental security. For each research stream, we outline core findings, potentials for mutual enrichment with other streams, and prospects for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Concerns about violence against nurses and other medical personnel have increased during the COVID-19 pandemic. However, as of yet, limited systematic knowledge of such violence is available. Addressing this gap, we analyse the geographical distribution of, motivations behind, and contexts of collective attacks against health workers in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. To do so, we systematically recorded and coded attack events worldwide from 1 March 2020 to 31 December 2021. We identify high-risk countries, attack characteristics, and the socio-economic contexts in which attacks tend to occur. Our results show that opposition against public health measures (28.5%), fears of infection (22.3%), and supposed lack of care (20.6%) were the most common reasons for attacks. Most attacks occurred in facilities (often related to a supposed lack of care) or while health workers were on duty in a public place (often due to opposition to public health measures). However, 17.9% of all attacks took place in off-duty settings. Democratic countries with high vaccination rates and strong health systems were relatively safe for nurses and doctors. Distrust in the skills of health workers and the science underlying health interventions is a major driver of collective attack risks and should be addressed before it turns violent. This study was not registered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]