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This article argues that a modified version of Bourdieu's "habitus" concept can generate insights into moral culture and the ways people use culture to make changes in their lives. If revised in light of recent findings from cognitive neuroscience, the habitus allows for the analysis of culture as embodied cognitive structures linking individuals to primary-group discourses. To demonstrate the utility of this conception, I examine the unique abstract language and embodied metaphors used by members of religious and secular overeaters' internet support groups. The religious group used far more "cleanliness" metaphors, and members who made frequent use of such metaphors remained with the group longer and posted more messages. This effect was not found for either group's abstract language or for the secular group's embodied metaphors. The findings suggest that a cultural influence on social bonding can be shown when culture is operationalized in terms of embodied cognitive schemas that operate within both the habitus and group discourses. Also, traditionally religious moral culture may be more strongly associated with cultural coherence and social bonding than is modernist culture. (Contains 2 notes, 7 tables, and 2 figures.)

Social scientists have long debated the factors influencing public concern for the natural environment. This study attempts to contribute to this debate by arguing that environmental concern is shaped by both "spiritual" and "ecological" cultural models of nature-society relations and that by distinguishing between these two, we can better recognize the social sources of variation in concern for the environment. An analysis of questionnaire data from 21 nations from the 1993 International Social Survey Program using ordinary least squares regression models shows that spiritual and ecological environmental worldviews have different social bases. Education generally positively predicts the latter but not the former. Patterns of national differences are noteworthy as well. Thus, conceptualizing public concern for the environment in terms of distinct cultural models may be more revealing than focusing on environmental concern as such. (Contains 5 tables and 1 note.)

To purchase or authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-682X.2008.00273.x Byline: Gabriel Ignatow (1) Abstract: Though Pierre Bourdieu has been criticized for ignoring the moral dimensions of social judgments, I suggest that his habitus concept can provide a useful theoretical foundation for a sociological analysis of morality. If the habitus is revised in a way that recognizes the embodied nature of cognition, it can be treated as a foundation for moral judgments of the self and of others. A revised habitus concept can account for two processes by which moral judgments are shaped by social settings: (1) cultural influences on feelings and expressions of emotion; and (2) the ways moral metaphors are structured by embodied cognitive schemas. In both processes, universal bodily operations are employed in different configurations across cultural settings. I argue that a modified habitus concept that can account for these phenomena has significant implications for the sociological analysis of lay morality. Author Affiliation: (1)University of North Texas

Social scientists have long debated the factors influencing public concern for the natural environment. This study attempts to contribute to this debate by arguing that environmental concern is shaped by both 'spiritual' and 'ecological' cultural models of nature-society relations and that by distinguishing between these two, we can better recognize the social sources of variation in concern for the environment. An analysis of questionnaire data from 21 nations from the 1993 International Social Survey Program using ordinary least squares regression models shows that spiritual and ecological environmental worldviews have different social bases. Education generally positively predicts the latter but not the former. Patterns of national differences are noteworthy as well. Thus, conceptualizing public concern for the environment in terms of distinct cultural models may be more revealing than focusing on environmental concern as such. Keywords: environmentalism; environmental attitudes; cultural models; education; religion