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In the 2020 Democratic Presidential Primary campaigns, six women, the most in history, announced their candidacy for the presidency. Using computational topic modeling and network analysis of 84,000 newspaper articles (2.2 million paragraphs), we analyze how gender and electability was discussed during the Primaries. Results reveal that male candidates, and especially Joe Biden, were frequently compared with the incumbent, Donald Trump, while coverage of female candidates focused directly on social policy. Trump's attack on Biden during the impeachment process produced a lasting effect by promoting discourse topics traditionally dominated by men. This crowded out the topics emphasized by women, such as health care and education. Women candidates' press coverage was also more reactionary than men's. Although explicit reference to gender as a discourse topic has decreased, which suggests growing gender parity within the political process, gendered policy salience emerges transitively in comparison with the incumbent. Transitive policy salience emerges as a key explanatory variable that articulates the indirect path media coverage can lead to the marginalization of women candidates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

2023 was a very particular and significant year in Peru. It was the year of Dina Boluarte's government, who, as vice president, succeeded the ousted Pedro Castillo at the end of 2022 to complete the 2021-2026 presidential term. Remarkably, given the experience of Castillo's government, the circumstances of his impeachment by Congress, and the characteristics of Peruvian political dynamics post-2016, the expected scenario was the continuation of a dynamic of polarization and political and social confrontation. Unexpectedly, we witnessed the formation at the heights of institutional politics of a majority that crosses right-wing and left-wing groups, centered around conservative and populist values opposed to various institutional reform initiatives implemented in recent years, accompanied by relative citizen demobilization. Although this seriously delegitimized the government and Congress, the absence of viable short-term alternatives generated relative stability. The problematic aspect is that Peru's fragile democracy seems to be captured "from below" by various local leaders and particularistic interests, a consequence of the extreme weakness of political parties, constituting a peculiar and dangerous path of democratic deterioration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trabalhos em Lingüística Aplicada is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyzes the meaning and ambiguity of Section Three of the 14th Amendment governing the engagement of a U.S. officer in insurrection or rebellion. Topics discussed include civil office under the U.S., congressional precedent of the William Blount's case wherein the Impeachment Clause made reference to civil officers of the U.S., framing and ratification of Section Three, the U.S. presidency and the Electors Clause, the 1867 Reconstruction Acts and 1872 election.

This essay argues that rhetorics of renewal seek to convince auditors to accept guilt for falling away from golden-age values and respond with mortification (not scapegoating) and hope of a promised "second chance." Three strategic choices can assist: developing a motivationally complete model/anti-model pair, enacting the model's golden-age values in a way that participates in shared guilt and mortification to demonstrate the feasibility of and path to renewal, and appropriately incorporating and staging forensic, epideictic, and deliberative genres to guide auditors from guilt to renewal. To establish these claims, I analyze the associational clusters in Romney's impeachment statement through a hexadic lens, then trace those hexads' development using cluster-agon's dramatic arc, thus simultaneously demonstrating the benefits of this methodological combination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Socio-Jurídicos is the property of Colegio Mayor de Nuestra Senora del Rosario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Observed from a wider historical perspective, the most recent period of the constitutional life of the United States of America risks to be remembered as the one during which the presidential impeachment procedure was used incomparably more often than ever before. This sometimes attracts particular attention to the topic of criminal responsibility of the President, on which the Constitution itself remains silent. At the same time, legislation and jurisprudence seem to have been shying away from addressing this important and rather actual issue. The question whether the presidential immunity protects a sitting or a former president from arrest, trial, or punishment for deeds committed during the presidential term of office thus represents a particularly complex legal puzzler. This is particularly the case since the traditional checks-and-balances system appears to be displaying signs of weakness due to an overtly politicized procedure, notably in the absence of firm legal guidelines or clear theoretical perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This document is an annotated literature overview that covers various topics. The first section focuses on legal history and the careers of jurists who were involved in the Nazi regime. The second section discusses the challenges faced by American democracy, including the experiences of a congressman involved in the impeachment proceedings against Donald Trump. The third section examines the challenges faced by the progressive left in the Democratic Party during the Biden era. The fourth section explores the history and impact of the Fridays for Future and Scientists for Future movements, which advocate for climate action. The final section includes reprints of classic works on peace and Zionism. [Extracted from the article]

This research presents the concept of testimonial User-Generated Content (tUGC): media content generated by ordinary citizens that witness an extraordinary event and publish it on their own channels. Rooted on the crossroads of UGC and Witnessing studies, this article provides a definition and a proposition of operationalization of tUGC in a case analysis, using two protests against former Brazilian president Rousseff's impeachment in 2016 as case of study. Results suggest three main patterns of tUGC production, named as political, journalistic and expressive. Quantitative analysis points to a high frequency of production but to low levels of diffusion of tUGC overall in the context of the analysed case. Finally, results suggest external factors seem to have effect on general patterns of tUGC production and circulation. Discussion and further developments are offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the reform of Federal Rule of Evidence 609, focusing on prior conviction impeachment. It explores improvements inspired by state models, specifically those of Hawaiʻi and Kansas, which restrict the use of prior convictions more tightly than Rule 609. It evaluates these state models and proposes a new framework for reform.