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Organ transplantation touches upon existential questions of life and death, the self and the other, and the gift and the commodity. It uniquely challenges social norms and ideas and necessitates a close analysis of cultural concepts and differences. In India, the regulation of organ donation has led to social repercussions and consequences that highlight Indian approaches to these existential questions of life, death, bodies, and social relations. The concept of brain death was introduced into the Indian legal and medical systems in 1994 with the Transplantation of Human Organs Act (THOA, 1994). The major aims of THOA were the regulation of living donor donations to prevent illegal markets and to increase deceased donations as a solution for organ scarcity. Organ donations, while usually beneficial to the individuals who receive them, raise several ethical concerns about social justice and equality, such as where organs come from and to whom the organs should be given, as well as the concept of distributive justice. It also highlights how biomedical technologies are adapted and understood differently in diverse cultural settings, especially those that touch upon sensitive and significant topics such as death and body ownership. This thesis will analyze how THOA and its regulations pertaining to human organs have changed and shaped Indian societal norms. It will analyze how Hindu concepts of death relate and connect to transplantation and show attempts at reconciliation and integration of transplantation into Hindu belief, but also friction between the understanding of death as a process and the instantaneous “declaration” of brain death. The complexities of organ transplantation in India extend to the ethical dimension of gendered donations, in which women are far more often the donors than the recipients, but also to the logistical and bureaucratic shortcomings of the Indian medical system.

The Art of Living Foundation is a religious NGO that began in India in 1981 and has grown a wide international following since. The organization offers yogic breathing courses and conducts a number of social initiatives in India and elsewhere. Despite the considerable size of the Art of Living Foundation, this religious NGO remains elusive in academic literature. Throughout this thesis, I reveal what can be learned about the organization according to previous research, as well as my own three months of field work in Delhi and Bangalore. While trying to paint an overall picture of the Art of Living Foundation, it becomes clear that it resembles a network more than a singular entity. In addition to this conclusion, I explore the contradictions between spirituality, social responsibility, and private profit, and how participants of the Art of Living Foundation seek to negate these conflicts both philosophically and practically throughout Art of Living courses and social initiatives.

Last month, Pakistani Prime Minister (PM) Imran Khan was ousted in a parliamentary no-confidence vote, ending several weeks of political crises. Khan had faced public discontent with his mismanagement of the economy and foreign policy – which were combined with a growingly authoritarian style of governance. The removal from office of the former PM – who used every available means, mostly both unconstitutional and illegal, to stay in power – trough parliamentary proceedings was made possible by Supreme Court action. The phenomenon was widely described as ‘a step forward for Pakistan’s democracy’. Nevertheless, there is a common understanding among experts that the army top brass played a crucial role in toppling Khan’s government. It is argued that Khan - who initially enjoyed much goodwill – ended up losing support by the military leadership. […]

In South Asia, and particularly in India, the "vernacular" is a key notion in descriptions of the linguistic set-up of the subcontinent. Much criticised and yet frequently used, in today's parlance "vernacular" usually denotes a collective of South Asian languages as opposed to English. Some ambivalence inheres in the term due to its etymology and legacy; but despite certain negative associations, the term has recently undergone a positive re-evalution in various academic fields related to South Asia and beyond. Various scholars have engaged with the notion of the "vernacular", but so far, no concerted effort has been made to investigate the "vernacular" and its South Asia-related uses critically across various temporal and regional contexts. The essays at hand venture out as a first step in this direction by outlining the etymology, uses and problematics of the concept, its history and politics in colonial and postcolonial South Asia, as well as its role in formulating a particular sort of aesthetics.

Sri Lanka faces perhaps the greatest financial crises in the country’s history. Although such crisis is the outcome of much financial mismanagement, corruption, and lack of transparency in government, there are external factors involved as well. Due to its geo-strategic location, Sri Lanka much interests both China and India, who strongly compete for influence in the area. This article attempts to analyse the Sri Lankan crises from the perspective of a geopolitical struggle between China and India. It also focuses on providing information regarding the options for India in Sri Lanka.

Geopolitical competition is increasing everywhere, and the Indian Ocean is no exception. One of the most significant causes of this phenomenon is the Chinese-driven Belt- and Road Initiative (BRI). In its quest to challenge the economic, political, and military supremacy of Western liberal democracies and their like-minded partners in Asia, Beijing started using major transcontinental development schemes to enhance its sphere of influence. Particularly autocratic regimes tend to join China’s BRI, forming a ‘quasi-alliance’ network. However, in recent years indications emerged that autocratic elites known to be closely embedded in the BRI are facing mounting domestic political pressure due to looming economic and financial crisis situations. This SADF Focus will shed light on the case of the currently ruling Rajapaksa dynasty in Sri Lanka. China’s involvement and considerable impacts on the country’s economy since the 2000s are well documented. The island must be regarded not only as the first major destination for Chinese Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), based on geostrategic considerations, but also as a focal point for Beijing’s international financial development assistance, long before the launch of the BRI. Yet today, Colombo is undergoing a foreign policy transformation, giving more importance to its relations with New Delhi than in the past. Observers are stating that the latter would be conducted at the expense of Chinese influence in the island. This Focus argues that the apparently changing patterns of relations between Sri Lanka and China might hint at a larger transformation within Beijing’s quasi-alliance system of “willing autocrats”.

For the whole eleven years during which I have been actively engaged in South Asia, nothing touched me more than the Bangladeshi people’s struggle for memory, justice, and accountability regarding the Genocide perpetrated against Bangladesh by the Pakistani military authorities. This genocide, organised in tandem with Islamic fanatic organisations from both West and East Pakistan, was meant to destroy the Bengali identity by murdering elites, destroying religious diversity, and raping women. […]

Indian History vehemently celebrates two particular days of the Year: 26th January and 15th August. One is Republic Day, wherein the coveted Indian Constitution was enforced: the other is Independence Day (when the country was liberated from prolonged colonial rule). The literature surrounding the Indian National Struggle particularly focuses on a few selected leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabhai Patel, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, and others. Although some texts and civil society groups categorically shift the focus on others who also have contributed to the movement, these ‘others’ have so far been overlooked and most likely forgotten due to the several private interests at stake. One such forgotten leader is Subhas Chandra Bose, often referred as Netaji by his followers. This article intends to highlight Bose’s role in Indian History and uncover his relationship with Gandhi, the Father of the Nation.

Für Mu. Karunanidhi, Politiker, Schriftsteller und Drehbuchautor, ist das berühmte Tamil-Epos Cilappatikāram nicht nur Teil eines literarischen Kanons, der die Antiquität, den Reichtum und die Eigenständigkeit der tamilischen Sprache illustriert, sondern Zeugnis der einzigartigen Geschichte und Kultur der Tamilen und Abbild einer idealen, prä-arischen Zivilisation. Die vorliegende Arbeit beleuchtet Karunanidhis Neu-interpretation des Epos als Bestandteil eines Netzwerks identitätsstiftender Propaganda-mittel im Kontext der sozio-kulturellen und politischen Diskurse zur Zeit der aufstreben-den DMK. Im Rahmen der Analyse werden sowohl die Einflüsse zentraler Akteure der Drawiden-Bewegung aufgezeigt als auch Karunanidhis Geschick, einen massen-wirksamen Kulturstolz zu etablieren und seine eigene politische Macht zu stabilisieren. Sein Drama kann hierbei als exemplarisch für die Verquickung von Kunst, Kultur und Politik erachtet werden. Ziel der Arbeit ist es, die ideologischen Aspekte der diversen Abweichungen vom Original-Epos zu erörtern und die Mehrdimensionalität der Dis-kurse jener Zeit zu diskutieren, die in Karunanidhis Drama reflektiert werden. Die Be-trachtung der Neuinterpretation des Cilappatikāram im Spiegel der dynamischen Text-Kontext-Beziehung verdeutlicht, dass keine kohärente Ideologie der Drawiden-Bewegung abstrahiert werden kann, sondern illustriert vielmehr deren Wandel anhand zahlreicher inhärenter Diskontinuitäten, Ambivalenzen und Aushandlungsprozesse.

Basic Hindi I is an online, interactive, and tech-enhanced textbook that promotes speaking, listening, reading, writing, and cultural skills. Each Chapter in this book has clear stated learning outcomes, a review of previous chapters, reading/listening sections, study abroad section, relevant grammatical items, and cultural notes. The pedagogical approach in the book is mixed and informed by the socio-cultural approaches and the generative approaches of the Second Language Acquisition theory. The mixed theoretical backgrounds match diverse learning and teaching philosophies and styles. Following the learning outcomes guided by American Council of Teaching Foreign Language (ACTFL), this textbook aims for the novice learners to attain intermediate low to mid-level proficiency level. The textbook incorporates pictures, audio-visual materials, and activities developed on the H5P platform to keep learners engaged.

This paper analyses the political future of the Indian National Congress (INC). The abysmal performance in elections at various levels shows that the INC, the grand old party, is losing its grip among the masses. Even in the ideological and organizational context the INC is facing problems in some form or other. Recently a group of 23 dissenting leaders wrote a letter to interim president Sonia Gandhi and questioning the party’s functioning. We aim to analyse, compare and discuss the Congress’ crucial ideological stands and shifts, as well as the main defects in its electoral strategies for the Lok Sabha elections of 2014 and 2019. Although the Congress has managed to win elections in some states, this study suggests that affirmative actions need to be taken so as to reform the party's organizational functioning and improve its electoral performance. Our conclusion is that the Congress needs to revisit its foundational principles and rich political history so as to reconnect with the electorate.

On November 26, 2008, terrorists belonging to the Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) conducted coordinated terrorist attacks against multiple targets in Mumbai. The three-day carnage in India’s financial and economic centre, principal port city and second-most populous urban area in the country led to the killing of around 165 people and wounding of over 300 additional victims – in one of the most significant acts of international terrorism since 9/11. According to former intelligence officer and senior analyst Bruce Riedel, the Mumbai attacks (also known as 26/11) became ‘a milestone in global Jihad’, setting the ‘gold standard’ for terrorists assaults for the following decade. The 2013 Westgate-Mall attacks in the Kenyan capital Nairobi and the 2015 Paris massacre are just two horrific examples ‘modelled on Mumbai’. […]

The EU-India summit of May the 8th 2021 approved a vast array of common initiatives – among which the EU-India Connectivity Partnership, the most important European global connectivity enterprise yet. Based on ‘shared values of democracy, freedom, rule of law and respect for human rights that underpin their Strategic Partnership’, it comprises four chapters: (1) digital; (2) transport; (3) energy and (4) people-to-people. The Connectivity Partnership is presented as ‘a transparent, viable, inclusive, sustainable, comprehensive and rules-based approach’ to connectivity. The Euro-Indian connectivity partnership is the soundest and most comprehensive political model for cooperation inspired by European experiences. It builds on earlier initiatives such as the Euro-Japanese partnership and the general framework of the EU-Asia connectivity, which is well summarised in a recent European working paper. This paper aims to suggest leads for a more comprehensive European strategy, starting by some thoughts on the history of connectivity and on the history of a historically – and most literally – central region which no connectivity strategy can ever forget: Central Asia! […]

India-Pakistan relations recently experienced a new low – expressed in a sharpened public rhetoric, the frequent occurrence of cease-fire violations at the ‘Line of Control’ (LoC), contestation over influence in Afghanistan, and other dynamics. The decades-old bilateral tensions gathered particular steam in August 2019 as New Delhi abrogated Article 370, which granted the Indian-administered State of Jammu and Kashmir a special, autonomous constitutional status. Since then, New Delhi has conducted a series of measures to operationalize the administrative aspects of the territory’s reconstitution, for example the ‘Kashmir domicile law’. In response, Pakistan launched a major public diplomacy campaign, apparently including elements of disinformation, so as to internationalize the Kashmir conflict. In November 2020, Pakistan presented a dossier allegedly revealing ‘irrefutable evidence’ of India’s involvement in sponsoring terrorism and attempts to destabilize Pakistan. More concretely, Pakistan accused India of supporting ‘various tactical terrorist campaigns aimed at reviving the greatly diminished insurgencies in the restive Balochistan province and the tribal districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province’, among several other issues. These accusations also have implications for Afghanistan-Pakistan ties, since the dossier claims that India is ‘running dozens of training camps in Afghanistan for multiple, globally outlawed militant groups to plot terrorism on Pakistani soil’. The Indian embassy and consulates in Afghanistan are allegedly responsible for conducting such activities. The report claims that Indian intelligence officers operate ‘under the diplomatic cover from consulates in Afghanistan’. […]

Disha Ravi, a young environmental activist, was arrested on the 13th of February 2021 on conspired charges of sedition and for threatening India’s territorial integrity. Disha’s arrest is a recent development in the context of violence that followed in Delhi on the 26th of January 2021. This violence is a result of three new farm acts which the Government of India had passed in September 2020. These bills enable farmers to sell their produce outside the Agriculture Produce Marketing Committee (APMC) mandis. This facilitates private and corporate investments in agriculture, and lets farmers undertake contracts with large private entities. However, these bills were met with immense opposition from several organisations, farmers, and political parties. It was speculated that large private players will occupy markets and dismantle both the APMC and its Minimum Support Price (MSP) mechanism. It was also put forth that these laws will allow private players to dictate market prices and exploit small farmers. Another concern is that large firms will impose strong restrictions on both farmers and their products through their financial and legal power – while most farmers (uneducated and poor) lack the resources to even understand the mechanisms involved. […]

On 17th February 2021, a group of 24 foreign diplomats arrived in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) for a two-day visit. The group was headed by European Union (EU) Ambassador Ugo Astuto and was comprised of envoys from various EU member states – including French envoy Emmanuel Lenain, Italian envoy Vinceno de Luca, Swedish envoy Klas Molin, Irish envoy Brendan ward, Dutch envoy Maren van den Berg and Bangladeshi envoy Mohammad Imran. Envoys from countries such as Brazil, Cuba, Estonia, Finland, Tajikistan, Portugal, Malawi, Eritrea, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Senegal, Malaysia, Bolivia, Belgium and Kyrgyzstan also accompanied the group. The tour’s primary purpose was to assess the ground situation and normalcy in J&K. The delegation visited J&K for the first time since the outbreak of covid-19 pandemic. It was the third visitor delegation to the valley since the state’s bifurcation and the removal of special status within India’s constitution. Last year two groups visited J&K – in January and February. The present delegation meeting was endorsed by the government so as to access the ground situation after the District Development Council (DDC) elections (Haider, 2021). According to reports, the valley observed a complete shutdown - and tight security measures were taken to protect the visitors during their stay (Ashiq, 2021). After these arrived in the capital city, they visited various places and met with different key stakeholders. A meeting with both the DDC and Panchayat members was scheduled on the outskirts of the city, in the Budgam district. […]

India is one of the world’s largest growing economies – and an active player in global economic governance. The primary objective of the partnerships between the EU and India is transparency (a non-discriminatory and predictable, regulatory business environment). On 5 February 2021, the EU and India held their first High-Level Dialogue (HLD). The decision to hold a high-level dialogue was already chalked out in the 15th Summit held virtually between the EU and India amid the Covid-19 pandemic. The High-Level Dialogue was co-chaired by Piyush Goyal (India’s Minister of Commerce and Industry) and Valdis Dombrovskis (Trade Commissioner and European Union Executive Vice-President). Highlighting the significance of global cooperation, both sides acknowledged the importance of solidarity in the post-Covid-19 pandemic world. Both sides agreed to further deepen their bilateral relationship as concerns trade and investment through the India-EU Multilateral Dialogue. Many areas of key policy developments and market issues were mentioned in the meeting, for instance the bilateral Regulatory dialogue and the India-EU Multilateral dialogue, both intended to explore further possibilities of cooperation. […]

India and Afghanistan share a long history of cultural and social linkages. Post-independence relations between India and Afghanistan were complicated by various power dynamics in the region. After 2001 India managed to have an amicable relationship with the Afghan government. However, after the Taliban took over, the future of India in Afghanistan has become uncertain. This article aims to discuss the implications for India of the newly emerging geopolitical scenario in Afghanistan.

This paper aims to discuss where India stands on the foreign direct investment (FDI) market, especially as regards FDI from the EU. In 2020-2021 the Covid-19 outbreak largely hit financial markets and global FDI plummeted. Only a few countries, among which India, still recorded high and positive FDI inflows. This may reveal India's full potential as a host of foreign investment and redefine its position on the FDI market as an opportunity catalyst. In May 2021, the European Union (EU) and India entered a High-Level Dialogue on Trade and Investment and agreed on a new Connectivity Partnership. This paper suggests that it may be in the EU's best interest to leverage its already privileged relationship with India – strengthening it and encouraging European companies to consider India as a FDI host.

This paper contains a comprehensive analysis of the New Education Policy of India (2020). For instance, it would be interesting to analyse, compare and understand whether the BJP-ruled Indian government passed the National Educational Policy (NEP; 2020) so as further privatize the nation’s educational system. What multidimensional impacts could the New Education Policy (NEP) have on the future of India’s educational system? We would also like to investigate how it affects institutional autonomy, premier public universities, cultural dynamics, and intellectual diversity. This paper investigates how the NEP will reshape education in India. The broad conclusion is that said education is witnessing deep shifts and changes which will not only lead to a deepening of social inequalities and affect learning but will also burden poor and middle-class families with added financial pressure.

The South Asian region is experiencing a shift in power dynamics. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has faced difficulties in reaching its potential, and India has played a great role in such difficulties. On the other hand, China’s involvement in the region creates new challenges for the regional body. This article aims to discuss why the SAARC has such trouble developing – and what role India plays in these dynamics. The article also discusses China’s engagement in the region and what future awaits the SAARC after the Taliban Takeover.

The staggeringly low number of women entrepreneurs in India demands for a number of interventions in terms of education, access to finance and child-care options. Considering that women empowerment in itself is valuable and has positive effects on the economy, it is high time to address the gender gaps in education, unequal access to finance and unequal distribution of domestic responsibilities. Evidence shows that there is a clear correlation between women entrepreneurship and factors such as women literacy rates, financial knowledge, owning a bank account – among others. While the largest share of child care falls on women, it can be dealt through adequate infrastructure such as child-care centers. Although the government has taken initiatives on entrepreneurship, few of these target women. Due to the limitations and low status of women in society, these initiatives are mostly unfavorable. Hence, it is now time to amend policies and make them more gender inclusive. This policy brief discusses various interventions, including strategic plans for free and compulsory education advocacy and awareness in partnership with nonprofits, women-specific financial inclusion policies and programs collaborating with the State Bank of India, and establishing child-care centers.

The first India-EU Maritime Dialogue was held on January 20, 2021. It featured consultations on issues such as the maritime security environment and the enhancement of regional cooperation. The dialogue took place within the larger framework of India-EU Strategic Partnership, in accordance with its Roadmap to 2025. This development comes at a time when the Indo-Pacific as a regional construct is gaining prominence in world politics. The Indo-Pacific, a confluence of the Indian and Pacific oceans forming a single geopolitical construct, is the most populous region of the world – and one-third of the world’s trade in goods and energy crosses the region. The EU is a significant stakeholder in the area, as the majority of EU’s exports to Asia-Pacific markets traverse the Indo-Pacific waters. The stability and security of vital sea lanes of communication in the area remain crucial for the EU. Similarly, India, being a responsible resident actor in the region, aspires for a free and open Indo-Pacific and is alarmed by the territorial aggression from its neighbour China, as well as by the latter’s growing inroads and influence in New Delhi’s neighbourhood. Taking these factors into account, and focusing on a dynamic security environment engulfing the Indo-Pacific region, one may ask: ‘What objectives and goals should the Indo-EU Maritime Cooperation entail in the larger region?’ […]

This bibliography lists all published works by Professor Dr. Hermann Kulke.

Die Beziehungen zwischen der EU und Indien gelten als nicht ausgeschöpft und von geringer Bedeutung. Die geringe Höhe des bilateralen Handels, die kaum wahrnehmbare Kooperation innerhalb der „strategischen Partnerschaft“, und die Verhandlungen um ein bislang nicht implementiertes Freihandelsabkommen (FTA) zwischen der EU und Indien tragen zu dieser Situation bei. Diese Situation der nicht ausgeschöpften bilateralen Beziehungen zwischen der EU und Indien geht auch mit einer negativen Wahrnehmung einher, die eine Seite über die jeweils andere Seite verzeichnet. Auch im Hinblick auf den Abschluss des EU-Indien FTAs und eine militärische Kooperation innerhalb der „strategischen Partnerschaft“ liegen negative und verzerrte Wahrnehmungen vor. Das stellt die Beziehungen vor weiteren Herausforderungen.

Dieses Lehrbuch stellt eine grundlegende Einführung in das Bengalische dar. Es ist sowohl ein klassisches Lehrbuch als auch eine umfassende, deskriptive Grammatik. Es eignet sich für den Unterricht mit einem Lehrer, kann aber auch für den Selbstunterricht ohne Lehrer genutzt werden.

Die Verhandlungen über den Charter-Act von 1813, der die kodifizierten Rechte und Pflichten der East India Company regelte, bilden den Untersuchungsgegenstand der eingereichten Abschlussarbeit. Die Handelsgesellschaft verlor mit der Erneuerung der Charter 1813 das Monopol auf den Indienhandel, der fortan für alle britischen Staatsbürger geöffnet wurde. Die historische Kontextualisierung in der „Sattelzeit“ zwischen 1780 bis 1830 ermöglicht es, diese Umbruchs- und Transformationsphase, die sowohl mit der beginnenden Industrialisierung in Großbritannien, den Napoleonischen Kriegen auf dem europäischen Kontinent als auch der Konsolidierung der britischen Vorherrschaft in Südasien zusammenfällt, darzustellen.

Dogs are no cynosure in Indian life, as are cows, but according to the Jātaka belong to the world of men and play a more differentiated role than other animals, as is shown below by the many words for 'dog' in literature (see under 2.1 and 3), the quantity of references and stories collected here, and last but not least: the great epic begins and ends with a dog story. To quote Satya Prakash Sarasvati, "dog is neither regarded a domestic animal nor a wild creature" (1988: 304); he gives no source for this, but dogs are not one of the seven kinds of domestic animals mentioned by Baudhāyana in Caland's note on PancavBr 2,7,5,8 and wild dogs or dholes are a species of their own, whereas a dhobi's dog belongs neither to the house nor to the riverside. At any rate, for the ancient Indians, as against, e.g., for the Spanish in the early 20th century, it was not necessary to describe what a dog was. The following lines intend to sketch their relation to humans and their fellow quadrupeds and birds from the ancient sources, as was done exhaustively for Greek and Latin literature long ago.

"In 1954 the great and prolific indologist and Indo-European linguist Jan Gonda published a magisterial study on the „Stylistic repetition in the Veda“ with examples from many languages and countless books and articles quoted. In order to extend the possibility of using the volume it was therefore thought appropriate to add a list of at least the ancient Indian loci in an appendix. Further, this most valuable 400+ page book has no contents the lack of which was deplored by Renou in his review. It was made then by Hauschild in his review in OLZ 1961: 628. Gonda stated the books and articles of his textual quotes mostly in 'notes bibliographiques (qui) sont une des parures du livre' which are, however, occasionally incomplete. (...) at my request two students, Olga Kienzler of Lipsic and Viktorie Haldovska of Wuerzburg, therefore kindly made an ordinary bibliography to be appended to this article. (...)"

This piece is an attempt to delve deep into the root causes of the Indo China Border dispute through the use of History and bring out some of the lesser known facts in this longest boundary dispute. This is an issue which has its roots as much in the treaties and history as in the current Political and diplomatic developments.

India and Uzbekistan possess a shared history since ancient times, when trade and commerce between the two nations flourished through the Silk Route. Considering the current situation and future probabilities there has been a lot of political, economic, and cultural exchanges between the two countries. This bilateral partnership, expressed through security and connectivity mechanisms, can be seen as crucial for regional stability. The two countries have tried to stabilize their bilateral relations and prevent violent instances of extremism. India also intends to establish a stronger foothold in Central Asia. One can say that Uzbekistan is the perfect ally for India to stabilize relations with Central Asia. Both countries are involved in numerous initiatives that will help them not only to foster transparency and accountability but also to maintain parity with other big powers. This article reviews the reasons why Uzbekistan is significant for India and defends that their relationship will enable India to stabilize her ties with Central Asian Republics at large.

India and the European Union are committed to a framework for strategic cooperation until 2025. They have vowed to cooperate in their response to the coronavirus pandemic, as well as within the United Nations Security Council. Towards this end, Prime Minister Narendra Modi held talks with the European Council’s President Charles Michel and the European Commission’s President Ursula Von der Leyen via videoconferencing on Wednesday, July 15, 2020. In an initiative to revive talks on a free trade agreement which were suspended since 2013, the two sides announced a “high-level dialogue” between India’s Commerce Minister and the EU Trade Commissioner, who would try and forward the Bilateral Trade and Investment Agreement (BTIA). “India and the EU are natural partners”, Prime Minister Modi said in his opening remarks. “Our partnership is important for global peace and stability, and this reality is clearer given the situation around the world.” He also referred to shared “universal values” of democracy, pluralism, inclusivity, respect for international institutions, and multilateralism between India and the EU. As the EU and India head to deepen their smooth, cordial and beneficial relationship, some regional and global issues pose a challenge. Raising border issues, refugee problems and great power rivalries seem to constitute almost insurmountable obstacles. […]

According to several reports, it appears that the stage is set for the long-awaited intra-Afghan negotiations (IAN) between rival factions. Both the Afghan Taliban and the Government of Afghanistan expressed their readiness to start their first official direct talks, which will be held in Qatar. After contributing to the U.S.-Taliban peace deal – which is commonly recognised as an essential step towards the start of the IAN – Pakistan aims to take on a central role in Afghanistan’s future political developments. Pakistan’s civilian and military leadership are therefore trying to normalise their tense relations with the Afghan government. So far, Islamabad continues to support the peace deal between Washington and the Afghan Taliban – and the notion of a power-sharing agreement between the insurgency group and the political leadership in Kabul. However, Islamabad’s interests and policy remain unchanged and are not conducive for an understanding between the major actors in Afghanistan. Pakistan will thus continue to damage peace and stability in its western neighbourhood. Afghanistan will furthermore not only be increasingly affected by the Pakistan-India conflict but also become a new theatre in the evolving India-China conflict.

Urbanisation is posing ever-growing challenges to most countries around the world. This paper explores the ways in which India can tap into the latent potential of two-thirds of its population still living an agrarian life. It provides a vantage point for the bystander to understand various rural development programmes under way across ten socio-economic elements categorised as ‘essential’, ‘foundational’ and ‘sustenance’. It paints a vision of how strategic efforts over the next decade can enable close to a billion people currently living in villages to propel India’s growth and produce nothing short of an economic miracle–driven by the completion of multiple government initiatives, affordable connectivity and digital technologies.

The onset of the super cyclonic storm Amphan in West Bengal, India, was a package of petrifying winds, consistent rainfall, collapsing trees, overflowing sewages, shattered glass windows, blown off roofs and many other things to recall and revisit. The Super Cyclonic Storm ‘Amphan’ was a powerful and deadly tropical cyclone which caused widespread damage in West Bengal and Bangladesh on 20th May 2020. Regions such as Kolkata, Hooghly, Howrah, East Midnapur, North 24 Parganas, and South 24 Parganas in West Bengal were all massively affected by the cyclone. It also caused significant destruction in Bangladesh and parts of Odisha. This article is an ‘ethnographic’ account of the experience of the Amphan winds and the collateral damage affecting the social and ecological structure at large. The article intends to enlighten the extent of damage and the recovery process after the catastrophe. Additionally, it is held that the state along with its citizens must contribute with rational/efficient ideas towards the protection and preservation of the environment - especially when global warming lies at such a tipping point.

The adoption of practices such as washing hands for a minimum of 20 seconds, excessive and frequent sanitisation, maintaining physical distance, etc. has compelled us to change our behaviours and adapt to the crisis, even if reluctantly. Amidst this pandemic, the world continues to face an ongoing environmental crisis. We still have many and much urgent problems to counter which are related to our behaviour towards the environment. This article will review past influences of behavioural economics on policymaking and inquire as regards the ways in which behavioural economics can play a significant role in the future. Our goal is to design effective and efficient, behaviourally ‘guarded’ environmental policies.

Three Indian states (Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat) recently adopted new and significant labour reforms amidst the COVID-19 pandemic - supporting companies and businesses willing to more easily hire and fire employees in the hope that this will unshackle industries and attract investments. However, some economists and workers’ unions argue that these changes may affect labour markets, reduce productivity and even lead to anarchy. This article aims to explore whether labour reforms actually facilitate the growth of the manufacturing sector in India, and to achieve this through both macroeconomic and microeconomic analyses. We will review past labour reforms and their influence on the labour and manufacturing sectors, asking whether new measures could actually increase productivity - given that to a great extent they only formalise existing practices.

The nationalist ambitions of individual leaders during the independence struggle, and the subsequent ethnic violence during partition, did not deter India from making itself a constitutionally safe haven for religious minorities. However, the system or its political parties are not without electoral entrenchment in religion, bolstering its agenda of communal divide through the institutionalisation of ethno-religious conflict. More than often, this communal divide is a projection of animosity between two major religions – Hinduism and Islam. The vice of this othering and vilification has led to countless pockets of violence throughout India, sometimes re-branding the entire socio-political context of the nation. Academics have explained this othering as a post-modern phenomenon, exacerbated by the socio-political or economic ‘divide et impera’ of the colonial rule in India. Nevertheless, answers were not provided for the resolution of this protracted, cold conflict, which has majorly been backed by religious symbolism, ‘mythomoteurs’, instances of cosmic war, and invocation of historical storytelling to widen the gap between us vs them. Moreover, the ontological defect of neglecting interfaith friction in western peacebuilding theories has ignored the rationale of these religious narratives in keeping the skirmish between Hindus and Muslims alive, even today, playing effectively into the hand of certain political parties to peddle their agenda of never-ending religious hatred in India. It is this religious and historical hatred that percolates and upholds every other sector of friction between Hindus and Muslims in India.

The start of 2020 has been rough and despicable for individuals, corporates, governments, and nations at large. Being forced in one’s abodes, juggling between work and household chores, with restricted movement in public spaces and essential commodities delivered through e-commerce platforms–this has become a way of life or rather‘ the new normal’. Public life has shifted from handshakes to ‘Namastes’ (predominantly an Indian gesture), to wearing masks and surgical gloves and the frequent application of sanitizers. The fear of being a victim to the novel corona virus is intrinsically linked with a list of precautions such as disinfecting groceries, washing clothes, intake of herbal supplements to increase immunity and most importantly maintaining social distance norms. With an alarming number of Covid patients and a fragile medical structure, how is India coping up with the Novel Corona crisis? This article helps in understanding the pivotal role of corporate funding to the Indian Government intended to curb and contain coronavirus within the country.

Every year, the Bay of Bengal coast shared between India and Bangladesh is struck by one or more cyclonic storms during both pre- and post- monsoon seasons. Although the inhabitants of this region remain mentally prepared to withstand the devastation caused by natural calamities, they don’t have adequate financial support to combat the physical losses involved. This year, super cyclone Amphan caused irreversible disruptions to lives and livelihoods among those living in the Sundarban and along the coastal areas of Odisha. This paper aims to explore the collateral damages caused by Amphan across both India and Bangladesh. We intend to identify the ground reality of disaster governance – what goes wrong and why? Furthermore, how is it that, in spite of a widespread awareness concerning the hazard-prone character of this coastline, permanent solutions are never sought? This question leads us to a quest for alternative channels of governance. With an overview of success stories across different countries in the world, this study focuses on future prospects open to e-media, particularly as concerns unconventional channels for information collection and service delivery to affected citizens.

Covid-19 undoubtedly poses challenges to our world. The first, being the protection of human lives, a pursuit which will influence and take a toll on economic recovery and trust. Through the implementation of a policy of ‘social distancing’, governments have tried to delay the spread of infection to help healthcare systems to have the capacity to cope. The implementation of this policy is a fine-tuning exercise, from which deriving effects could prove drastic or beneficial – as the comparison of regions and countries has shown. Success depending not only on local management of the containment exercise and health care quality, but also on the sharing of knowledge and resources. The argument in this Working Paper is that is to crucial to promote and ensure the existence and capacity of mobile healthcare. This, in order to be able to cope with the variations of the peaks of infection across space. The analysis here proposes a logistic function to examine the evolution of the Covid-19 infection in the South Asian countries and within the major regions of India. The main argument here, being that since infection peaks are estimated to occur from July 2020 to the first trimester of 2021, there is a justified need for an international strategy for the building of a capable mobile healthcare structure in South Asia, and of a mobile healthcare system within India.

Border spaces evolve as critical points of intersection between distinct economies and cultures. Local border markets, both within and across border spaces, often stand out in comparison to other local market structures as fascinating areas of ethnographic study. This is because they involve people across cultures, belonging to different demographics and sovereignties, who come together for the purpose of economic exchange. The Trans-Himalayan Border region has been widely studied as regards the nature of economic and cultural transactions across bordering nations. India shares land borders with seven nations (Afghanistan, Pakistan, Bhutan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Myanmar and China) and has an extensive border trade - both informal and formal - with almost all its neighbours. This study seeks to understand the nature of the border markets located between India and Bhutan, through a detailed ethnographic account of a local market identified as case study: the Dadgiri border market (Hatisar) in India. It also contains a narrative of the visit to the Bhutanese side of the border, including a detailed account of the Gelephu market. These two markets are both located in close proximity (within 1-2 km) to the borders of Bhutan and India and host participants from both nations (as well as from Nepal).This study’s focus has been on the analysis of the economic geography of the Dadgiri market, the informal nature of transactions, the products sold and profits made by local merchants. We aim to obtain a better understanding of borders through the lens of local markets. Our methodological framework - an ethnographic line of enquiry - allows us to present a broader overview for studying economic relations within border market spaces, which in turn helps provide an enhanced, context-rich perspective on both inter- and intra-border relations between nations and explore the potential for border markets to play a critical role in shaping economic partnerships between nations (India and

There are significant historical links between Armenia and India. This working paper seeks to provide an understanding of the prospects of present and future cooperation between the two countries. It features the analysis and interpretation of a questionnaire devised for this study and sent to both Armenians and Indians, comparing thirty dimensions for cooperation. The conclusions drawn in this paper point to there being positive prospects for bilateral cooperation, namely in the areas of science and tourism. However, many constraints remain in what comes to overcoming trade barriers in Trans-Asian Routes.

There is an understanding that political views in the world are increasingly polarised - one dominant idea will be considered far right and those who are not on that side of the fence will get attracted towards the far left. The first evident indication of this phenomenon in India came soon after the country announced the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). The nation was divided into two factions and opposing forces joined various protests. Some took it to social and print media, and some took it to streets with the support of certain organisations whose preamble is against India’s Constitution. One such organisation which is under investigation is the Popular Front of India (PFI). Since the beginning of the year 2020, the PFI has been vocal as concerns its contestation against the various decisions taken by India’s judiciary. The PFI has been found to be involved in Anti- Citizenship Amendment Act protests. The PFI is registered at Delhi under the Societies Registration Act XXI of 1860. The organisation has been using passive methods to attain larger goals and objectives which run against India’s social fabric. It was found to be involved in several transnational terror activities and many social and political conflicts in India. A Popular Front of India member was exposed as 'ISIS sympathiser' on Facebook and linked with Harkat Ul Jihad al- Islami, Hizbul Mujahideen, Lashkar-e-Tayyaba and Al Qaeda. This article aims to elaborate about the structure, aim and activities of the organisation and the ways in which it has managed to become a pan-India movement. The article concludes with a discussion on some recommendations intended to face the challenge regarding how to proscribe groups like the PFI.

This report assesses the sustainability of urbanisation in Kolkata, by identifying possible investment projects of suitable nature that could be of interest to both public and private local, national and international stakeholders. The comparative analysis of Kolkata and India, South Asia and the World, highlights the eminent and existing lack of sustainable infrastructure and the resulting reduced productivity. It is argued that the strategy to create a sustainable city, is to invest in the modernisation of infrastructures and services paid with effective tax collection on plots and houses. Thus, both compliable land use plans and efficient transport networks are due, to avoid urban sprawling, protect agricultural and ecological lands, and connect the city with the outside world, reinforcing its global centrality. The argument of this paper, being that it is of more use to promote connectivity and have a Renewed Sustainable Town close to the urban centre rather than a New but Unsustainable Town.

Cities are rapidly changing, and so is the agency of urban infrastructure. It is necessary for policy discussions around urban informality to keep up with this changing pace. This paper begins by exploring how urban infrastructure plays an increasingly structural role in influencing the politics of inclusion & exclusion within a city. It further tries to explore how the definition of informality in an urban setting has moved beyond ‘economic class’ to include broader social paradigms of migration and gender. It has become increasingly important to question the agency of urban infrastructure, especially in the face of a pandemic. The paper concludes by suggesting ways in which policy discussions around gender and internal migration (especially in a post-covid world) should take into account changes in order to make urban centres truly inclusive spaces.