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This thesis examines the role of non-human objects as actors in conflict zones, with a focus on the extraction of gold and copper ore in West Papua, Indonesia. The region, known for its cultural diversity, rainforests, and mountains, has a complex history of conflicts stemming from the denial of autonomy or independence. This has led to the exploitation of the region's rich natural resources, particularly by the American mining company Freeport in the Grasberg mining district, resulting in extensive environmental destruction and diminished opportunities for traditional livelihoods. The study aims to apply principles of political ecology to broaden the understanding of the conflict by examining gold and copper ore as actors, identifying the ore’s material characteristics, and how they have influenced the conflict in West Papua. The theoretical framework includes the research theme “Political Objects and Actors” and the concept of the Resource Curse, which describes how resource-rich regions often suffer from poverty, corruption, and conflict. Through a literature review of technical reports, textbooks, and research articles on the mining industry, as well as documentation on the conflict, the study identifies the material properties of gold and copper ore and their impact on the components of the conflict. The conflict in West Papua encompasses several key elements: denial of self-determination and political representation, environmental destruction, marginalization and economic disparities, human rights violations, and cultural oppression. The analysis reveals that the extraction of gold and copper has a significant impact on the socio-economic and political instability in West Papua. The study confirms the relevance of political ecology and the Resource Curse in understanding the conflict. It concludes that sustainable and equitable management of natural resources is crucial to reducing conflicts and promoting peaceful development in West Papua and similar re, Denna uppsats undersöker icke-mänskliga objekts roll som aktörer i konfliktzoner, med fokus på utvinning av guld- och kopparmalm i Västpapua, Indonesien. Regionen, känd för sin kulturella mångfald, regnskogar och berg, har en komplex historia av konflikter som härrör från förnekandet av autonomi eller självständighet. Detta har lett till exploateringen av regionens rika naturresurser, särskilt av det amerikanska gruvföretaget Freeport i gruvdistriktet Grasberg, vilket har resulterat i omfattande miljöförstöring och försämrade möjligheter till traditionella levnadssätt. Studien syftar till att tillämpa principer inom politisk ekologi för att bredda förståelsen för konflikten genom att undersöka guld- och kopparmalm som aktörer, identifiera malmernas materiella egenskaper och hur de har påverkat konflikten i Västpapua. Den teoretiska ramen inkluderar forskningstemat ”Politiska objekt och aktörer” och konceptet av Resursparadoxen, som beskriver hur regioner rika på naturresurser ofta lider av fattigdom, korruption och konflikt. Genom en litteraturgenomgång av tekniska rapporter, läroböcker och forskningsartiklar om gruvindustrin, samt dokumentation om konflikten, identifierar studien de materiella egenskaperna hos guld- och kopparmalm och deras påverkan på konfliktens komponenter. Konflikten i Västpapua omfattar flera centrala element: förnekande av självbestämmande och politisk representation, miljöförstöring, marginalisering och ekonomiska skillnader, kränkningar av mänskliga rättigheter samt kulturellt förtryck. Analysen avslöjar att utvinningen av guld och koppar har en betydande inverkan på den socioekonomiska och politiska instabiliteten i Västpapua. Studien bekräftar relevansen av politisk ekologi och Resursparadoxen för att förstå konflikten. Den drar slutsatsen att en hållbar och rättvis hantering av naturresurser är avgörande för att minska konflikter och främja fredlig utveckling i Västpapua och liknande regioner. Internationellt samarbete och ökat fok

Seit dem Koreakrieg 1950-53 basierte die Sicherheitsarchitektur der lange Zeit als "Asien-Pazifik" bezeichneten Region auf einem US-geführten System bilateraler Allianzen, dem sogenannten Nabe-und-Speichen-System. Ein multilaterales System kollektiver Verteidigung, ähnlich der Nato in Europa, gab es in der Region bislang nicht. 2014 begann die Volksrepublik China unter Xi Jinping, eigene Ideen zur Neugestaltung des regionalen Sicherheitssystems zu entwickeln. Xi nannte das Nabe-und-Speichen-System ein Relikt des Kalten Krieges und forderte eine regionale Sicherheitsarchitektur "von Asiaten für Asiaten". Das Konzept "Indo-Pazifik" gilt weithin als strategischer Gegenentwurf zu einer sinozentristischen Neustrukturierung der Region. Dabei wird die Sicherheitsarchitektur mehrheitlich als antagonistische Ordnung verstanden, in der Sicherheit gegen und nicht mit China hergestellt wird. Diese Architektur ist stärker als bisher »asianisiert«: Nicht nur wächst die Bedeutung der US-Alliierten in der Region im Verhältnis zu Washington. Immer wichtiger werden auch bi- und minilaterale Partnerschaften außerhalb des Nabe-und-Speichen-Systems, etwa diejenigen mit Beteiligung von Staaten wie Indien oder Indonesien. Strukturell dominieren bilaterale Allianzen und Partnerschaften, die zunehmend um minilaterale Formate wie AUKUS oder Quad ergänzt werden. Für die EU und ihre Mitgliedstaaten bedeutet all dies, dass die Verwirk­lichung der Idee eines inklusiv ausgerichteten Indo-Pazifik in weite Ferne gerückt ist. Auch der effektive Multilateralismus, den die EU propagiert, gerät zusehends ins Hintertreffen, da die regionale Sicherheitsarchitektur sich mehr und mehr zu einem Nebeneinander bi- und minilateraler Kooperationsformate wandelt. (Autorenreferat)

While some world regions have seen women opposition leaders with no ties to political families rise to national leadership, in East Asia, women opposition leaders who ascend to national executive positions have been largely limited to the wives, daughters, or sisters of prominent male politicians. Locally, however, there have been some broadening and diversification of women who seek and win executive office through oppositional politics. Given the small number of women opposition leaders who have gained leadership positions in the government, this article develops an interpretive study of the relationship between becoming "critical actors" and doing "critical acts" as women opposition leaders. Using four illustrative cases of women who have pursued executive power through oppositional politics, this article questions whether and how the variation in women’s pathways affects their exercise of power in Indonesia and South Korea, two young though consolidating democracies in East Asia. Drawing on the biographies and policies of two presidents (Megawati Soekarnoputri and Park Geun-hye) and two mayors (Tri Rismaharini and Kim Soo-young) it shows that local women opposition leaders use their executive leadership to initiate and implement public policies, unlike their national counterparts whose pathways and performance are intertwined with family background. By doing so, the article sheds light on the complex nexus between political pathways and performance of women opposition leaders.

Since the Korean War of 1950-53, the security architecture of the region previously referred to as the "Asia-Pacific" has been based on a US-led sys­tem of bilateral alliances known as the "hub-and-spokes" system. A multi­lateral system of collective defence, similar to NATO in Europe, has not existed in the region. In 2014, the People's Republic of China under Xi Jinping began to develop its own ideas for reshaping the regional security system. Xi called the hub-and-spokes system a relic of the Cold War and called for a regional security architecture "by Asians for Asians". The "Indo-Pacific" is widely regarded as a strategy to counter a Sinocentric restructuring of the region. The majority of actors involved conceives its security architecture as an antagonistic order in which security is estab­lished against, and not with, China. This architecture is more "Asianised" than before. The region's US allies are gaining significance in relation to Washington. What's more, bilateral and minilateral partnerships outside the hub-and-spokes system are becoming increasingly important, for example those involving states such as India or Indonesia. Structurally, bilateral alliances and partnerships dominate. They are in­creasingly supplemented by minilateral formats such as AUKUS or the Quad. For the EU and its member states, all this means that realising the idea of an inclusive Indo-Pacific has become a distant prospect. The effective multi­lateralism propagated by the EU is also gradually falling behind as the regional security architecture is increasingly being transformed into a web of bilateral and minilateral cooperation formats.

Europe's trade policy is heading for a sea change. But it is not Putin's war of aggression against Ukraine that is the main reason for this development. Rather, there are long-term influencing factors at work here: the WTO-centred multilateral trade order is visibly eroding. Protectionism is on the rise around the globe. World trade is grow­ing only marginally or is even stagnating. Globalization is undergoing a transforma­tion whose outcome is uncertain. And international trade is increasingly being instrumentalized for political purposes. In February 2021, the European Commission responded to these structural upheavals by announcing an "open, sustainable and assertive trade policy". However, there has so far been uneven progress towards im­plementing the objectives included in the new trade policy strategy. While the EU's intention to strengthen both Europe's assertiveness and the sustainability of trade is being realized through numerous new instruments and measures, its promise of openness and liberalization remains unfulfilled for the time being. In particular, the Indo-Pacific region beyond China would offer the German and European economies significant opportunities to tap new sources of raw materials and access reliable sup­plier networks and growing sales markets. (author's abstract)

This study aimed to determine the principal's managerial performance, the Integrated Education System results, and the constraints in implementing the program. The method used is qualitative, with data collection techniques through observation, interviews and documentation studies. The research subjects were the principal and the Integrated Education System teacher for tahfizh and diniyah. The results showed that the principal's managerial performance in implementing the Integrated Education System is related to implementing the learning schedule, ensuring the availability of teachers, supervising the program, and evaluating the program. Another managerial form by the principal is holding regular meetings with Integrated Education System teachers to discuss the process, achievement of results, and obstacles teachers face. From the results of the Integrated Education System, it can be concluded that it is true that students at SMP Negeri 1 Peukan Bada have increased character, as shown by changes in politeness, mutual respect, and tolerance. However, character development is still in the stage of the development process, considering that the Integrated Education System is still relatively new in schools.

Purpose: This study is aimed at explaining the factors that influence a person to decide to use TikTok in the Jabodetabek (Jakarta-Bogor-Depok-Tangerang-Bekasi) area. This study also uses the variables of self-efficacy, utilitarian value, hedonic value, information sharing, trust, and decision-making. Design/Method/Approach: Quantitative approaches and explanatory research are used in this study. Respondents were consumers who used the TikTok application in the Jabodetabek area to determine the number of samples. The present study uses non-probability sampling and convenience sampling techniques with 252 respondents. Data collection methods used questionnaires, and data were analyzed using Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) and the Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) method with the help of AMOS 24. Findings: The findings of this study indicate that self-efficacy and hedonic value positively affect trust, and trust positively affects information sharing and decision-making. Nevertheless, the results of this study also explain that self-efficacy does not affect information sharing. The utilitarian value does not significantly affect trust, and information sharing does not affect decision-making. Theoretical Implications: The study contributes to the existence literature on Social Media Use and Social Media Marketing especially about variables used in this study, wherein concludes that trust play an important role to use and activities of sharing information in social media. Practical Implications: Social media service providers should focus on the influence of information sharing and decision-making in the TikTok application, namely trust. One example is making efforts to improve consumer trust by protecting the personal information which consumers provide on social networking sites and developing the TikTok application as advertising for business. This study can be used as a reference for advertisers when choosing advertising media in the TikTok application because h

Elena Sofia Walpoth, Diplomarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2023

Background: In Indonesia and around the world, gender discrimination in employment practices is a pervasive and ongoing issue due to gender stereotypes and social norms. Organizations must therefore be aware of their influence, and how they through various stages of the recruitment process can reduce this prejudice. Additionally, organizations need to be conscious about how they can create and sustain an inclusive hiring procedure that leaves no one behind. Purpose: The purpose of this study is to explore what type of impact recruitment can have in terms of gender equality, equal opportunities and discrimination for working women in Indonesia. Furthermore, to investigate what impact gender stereotypes and social norms in Indonesia have on the recruitment processes in the country. Method: This study adheres to an inductive approach with a qualitative research method. The empirical findings have been gathered through the conduction of nine interviews with employers at a consultancy company in Indonesia. Conclusion: The conclusion of this thesis shows that recruitment can have a positive impact for gender equality in Indonesia and that a strategic recruitment process can help to develop gender stereotypes and social norms. However, there is a limit in how much recruitment can act as an equality tool since they do not always hold the final word on who to hire.

In early 1999, newly appointed Indonesian President Habibie authorised a referendum on independence for East Timor. It was held under UN supervision and an overwhelming majority voted in favour. This was not well received by the conservative Indonesian military TNI, which saw this as the beginning of an Indonesian state collapse. Therefore, the TNI launched a month-long offensive in East Timor in the autumn of 1999, characterised by massive displacement, burning of infrastructure, sexual violence against women, and repeated cases of wanton murders. Consequently, some historians have described the period as a genocide. The term genocide aims to describe a concept where a perpetrator has a coordinated plan to destroy key elements of national groups, with the aim of ending the groups’ existence as a whole. Genocide is thus strongly characterised by the idea of human rights and, by extension, has a liberal underpinning. This study aims to determine whether the East Timor Crisis of 1999 can be described as a genocide; whether the description is correct if consideration is made to what constitutes a group and the intent of the perpetrator. It also aims to achieve this by using the originator of the term Raphaël Lemkin's eight societal domains in which he regards genocide to be committed and thus applies events from the East Timor Crisis within these domains to determine whether genocide has taken place. The study makes use of a qualitative, theory consuming case study methodology. It then concludes that genocide, with exceptions, occurred within every societal domain of the East Timorese society throughout the East Timor Crisis of 1999.

In dieser Arbeit werden die Auswirkungen der westlichen Konstruktion von Weltreligionen auf die Religionsdefinition in der indonesischen Pancasila und die damit verbundene Marginalisierung jener Religionen, die diesen Kriterien nicht entsprechen, untersucht. Welche Einflüsse finden sich im Religionsverständnis der Pancasila wieder? Was hat dies für konkrete Auswirkungen auf die Bürger*innen Indonesiens? Was für Änderungen bewirkt das Gerichtsurteil von 2017, das es nun erlaubt, sich zu einer indigenen Religion zu bekennen? Nach einer Einführung in den Diskurs um das Weltreligionen-Paradigma anhand der Entstehung der Religionswissenschaft und der daraus folgenden Klassifizierung von Religionen werden anhand eines geschichtlichen Überblicks die Geschichte, Funktionen und Interpretationen der Pancasila als Fundament des jungen Staates Indonesien nachgezeichnet. Dabei wird auch der Einfluss des islamischen Verständnisses von „Leuten der Schrift“ berücksichtigt. Schließlich wird, nach einer Betrachtung des sprachlichen Diskurses um „Animismus“ und „Primitivismus“, untersucht, wie sich die Religionspolitik auf Religionen außerhalb der sechs anerkannten auswirkt und diese marginalisiert. Sichtbar wird dies vor allem in der obligatorischen Angabe der Religionszugehörigkeit im Personalausweis, der grundlegend für den Zugang zu öffentlichen Leistungen und die Rechte von Bürger*innen ist., In this work, the effects of the Western construction of world religions on the definition of religion in Indonesian Pancasila and the associated marginalization of those religions that do not meet these criteria are examined. Which influences can be found in the understanding of religion of the Pancasila? What concrete impact does this have on Indonesian citizens? What changes does the 2017 court ruling that now allows people to profess an indigenous religion bring about? After an introduction to the discourse on the world religion paradigm based on the emergence of religious studies and the resulting classification of religions, the history, functions and interpretations of the Pancasila as the foundation of the young state of Indonesia are traced using a historical overview. The influence of the Islamic understanding of "People of the Book" is also taken into account. Finally, after considering the linguistic discourse around “animism” and “primitivism”, it examines how religious politics affects and marginalizes religions outside of the six recognized ones. This is particularly visible in the mandatory indication of religious affiliation in the identity card, which is fundamental for access to public services and the rights of citizens.

COVID-19 affected the entire world, culminating in a devastating worldwide disaster. The crisis had a major impact on Indonesia, both in terms of health and economic concerns. As economic support in Indonesia, micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) are also impacted. This study was carried out in the West Java Province, including respondents among MSME actors. The aim of this study was to see how entrepreneurial resilience and self-efficacy affected company performance during the COVID-19 crisis. To assess the connection between variables, this research technique uses a quantitative methodology. The partial least squares path modeling (PLS-SEM) is used to validate the model's hypothesis, which is based on its association in a literature study done by numerous prior researchers. The findings of this study show that, as compared to entrepreneurial self-efficacy, entrepreneurial resilience has a substantial impact on MSME company performance during the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on the evaluation of the results of the research on the resilience of MSME owners, it must be supported by external variables such as government policies.

Europas Handelspolitik steuert auf eine Zeitenwende zu. Dafür ist jedoch nicht in erster Linie Putins Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine verantwortlich. Vielmehr ist dies eher langfristig wirkenden Einflussfaktoren zuzuschreiben: Die WTO-zentrierte multi­laterale Handelsordnung erodiert zusehends. Protektionismus nimmt weltweit zu. Der Welthandel wächst nur noch geringfügig oder stagniert gar. Die Globalisierung befin­det sich in einer ungewissen Transformation. Und der internationale Handel wird zunehmend für Zwecke der Politik instrumentalisiert. Auf diese strukturellen Um­brüche hat die EU-Kommission im Februar 2021 mit der Ankündigung einer "offenen, nachhaltigen und entschlossenen Handelspolitik" reagiert. Die operative Umsetzung der Ziele, die in der neuen handelspolitischen Strategie postuliert werden, war bis­lang aber ungleichgewichtig. Während der Vorsatz, die Selbstbehauptung Europas und die Nachhaltigkeit des Handels zu stärken, durch zahlreiche neue Instrumente und Maßnahmen mit Leben gefüllt wurde, bleibt das Offenheits- und Liberalisierungs­versprechen der EU einstweilen uneingelöst. Insbesondere der indo-pazifische Raum jenseits von China würde der deutschen und europäischen Wirtschaft indes beträcht­liche Chancen zur Erschließung neuer Rohstoffquellen, zuverlässiger Zulieferernetzwerke und wachsender Absatzmärkte bieten. (Autorenreferat)

Das kürzlich abgehaltene Außenministertreffen der G20-Staaten in Indonesien stand, nicht zuletzt wegen des Verhaltens von Moskaus Vertreter Sergej Lawrow, ganz im Zeichen des russischen Angriffskriegs gegen die Ukraine. Dies zeigte sich auch an der komplizierten Position, die das G20-Gastgeberland im Umgang mit der Krisensitua­tion einnimmt. Indonesien hat zwar im Rahmen der Generalversammlung der Verein­ten Nationen (UN) im März ein Ende der russischen Invasion gefordert, danach aber weder Sanktionen gegen Moskau mitgetragen noch Russland vom G20-Gipfel aus­geladen. Zuletzt besuchte Indonesiens Präsident Joko Widodo als erster asiatischer Regierungschef seit Beginn des Krieges sowohl Kiew als auch Moskau. Während sich Jakarta aus Sicht westlicher Kritiker damit zwischen alle Stühle setzt, ist diese Hal­tung im Inneren populär und entspricht zudem tradierten Prinzipien indonesischer Außenpolitik. Ein Kurswechsel Jakartas im Hinblick auf den G20-Gipfel im November ist daher unwahrscheinlich. (Autorenreferat)

This study aims to determine the influence of health consciousness, food safety concern, and familiarity in advertising on the willingness to pay for the purchase of healthy food products, namely Lemonilo in West Nusa Tenggara. The type of research used is quantitative research with a causality association approach. This study's respondents are consumers who have never bought Lemonilo products in West Nusa Tenggara. The number of samples taken was 120 consumers aged 20-50 years. The sampling technique used was the purposive sampling technique. The data analysis used in this study was multiple linear regression analysis with SPSS 2.6 for windows applications. The results showed that health consciousness and food safety concern does not affect willingness to pay. Meanwhile, familiarity with the advertisement significantly affects willingness to pay.

Almost all countries have undertaken a host of policies, public education, and action programs to reduce Gender-Based Violence (GBV), including Indonesia. This article aims to illustrate how GBV occurs in Indonesia's Papua province, particularly in Sentani district; and how a project funded by USAID manages to create awareness in the area. This paper used a qualitative approach. The data collected from books, journals, web pages on the internet, as well as the author's personal observation when becoming an assistant field officer of a local civil society organization partnering with the USAID BERSAMA Project. This article found that the Project has raised awareness of GBV in Sentani, and potentially resulted in behavior change. This can be seen from the commitment of some participants in the FGDs to change the way they treat each other; not to mention the grass-roots support from chiefs in the respective villages. Nevertheless, the project has weaknesses in implementation process: the modules used by CSOs did not suit the Papuan context in certain circumstances, the FGDs were in the short-run, and changing behavior was not an easy task. This study also found that social norms marketing could be the alternative approach to make changes concerning GBV in Sentani district.

Although some studies have mentioned land use and land cover across the borderlands of New Guinea, there have not yet been a series of systematic studies that link the topic with the construction of the Sota border post (Pos Lintas Batas Negara - "PLBN Sota"). With reference to realism, liberalism and asymmetrical power relations, this study examines the development impacts of the Sota border post. A set of interdisciplinary mixed-methods approaches are used including geospatial and earth observation analysis, collation of bureau of statistics data as well as academic and grey literature review. Results provide a baseline land cover assessment for the study area surrounding the Sota border post. There have also been a range of socio-economic and biophysical impacts of the infrastructural and immigration capacities along the Southern borderlands of New Guinea. In terms of international relations, the presence of the Sota border post is expected to foster cooperation between Indonesia and PNG, decrease conflict, and promote stability in the border area. As a result, both realism and liberalism can be used as theoretical frameworks to understand the trajectory of developments along the borderlands. However, due to the asymmetries of power, the rhetoric of liberalism may be rendered less convincing.

This article aims to evaluate the effectiveness of the maritime patrol regime (Indomalphi regime) in reducing piracy cases of the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) in the Sulu Sea and Sulawesi Sea involving Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines. Referring to the concept of regime effectiveness, it was found that the Indomalphi regime was proven effective in reducing the number of maritime cases in the Sulu and Sulawesi seas. The effectiveness of the regime is formed by a combination of four positive factors: (1) the regime is not classified as benign, indicating no inconsistencies, asymmetries, and cumulative splits in the formation of the Indomalphi regime; (2) the regime has a good problem-solving capacity because of epistemic community support that tightly integrated into the regime; (3) level of collaboration between the regime members is high, indicated by member’s compliance to the standard operating procedure (SOP) of the Indomalphi’s patrols even though there is no sanctions mechanism; (4) the regime facing a political context which provides an advantage with indicated by smooth cooperation during the process of Indomalphi cooperation even the three countries have sovereign sentiments and maritime territorial conflicts.

This article aims to shed light on China's asymmetric warfare in Indonesia through the Turnkey Project Management (TPM) scheme. TPM is an employment contract to carry out Chinese investment with a one-package system starting from funding with the preferential buyer's credit system, materials and machines, experts, and workers, are emanated from China. This study employed qualitative research and used a research library to collect data. It found that TPM is an integral part of China's foreign policy to pursue its national interests. China also relies more on its state-owned enterprises and private companies (non-state actors), thereby minimizing the state’s role. Indonesia suffered from losses more than it gains from the win, implying this scenario is more of a zero-sum game. The foreign workers from China have also caused social problems in Indonesia, such as cybercrime and the smuggling of methamphetamine. The results of this study include recommendations for enabling Indonesian workers to adapt to foreign technology regarding a transfer of knowledge; strengthening regulations that meet environmental standards, human rights, and good corporate governance in terms of foreign investment; and not to make the regulation easier for allowing Chinese workers.

The rapid development of urban areas in surrounding regions has led to an increasing number of commuters within and between core-peripheral regions. However, variation in jobs and economic levels has exacerbated the socio-economic inequalities between metropolitan residents. Using the commuter data of the Jakarta Metropolitan Area, this study examines the socio-economic disparities of commuting behaviour, spatial patterns, and health between commuters with incomes lower and higher than the regional minimum wage. The article conducts quantitative descriptive statistics and a non-parametric test using the BPS-Statistics Indonesia 2019 commuter data that included 13,000 sample respondents from the Jakarta Province and its neighbouring districts. Our result reveals a significant impact of income level on the choice of private transportation mode, whilst having no effect on the choice of public transportation modes. Higher-income peripheral residents tend to commute to the core metropolitan area (Jakarta Province), while lower-income commuters typically travel between peripheral areas. The article also indicates the negative physical health impact of prolonged and early-hours commuting, especially for lower-income groups. The article proposes better public transportation that is convenient, safe, and reliable, to ensure a sustainable and resilient metropolitan area.

Most governments claim that Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) programs benefit poor people. This study aims to analyze the impact of conditional cash transfers on low-income individuals in Indonesia. This study used consumption expenditures as a poverty measure and found that the Program Keluarga Harapan (PKH) has significant impact on an individual's consumption. However, households in the lowest wealth quantile were found to not take advantage of those benefits due to the current CCT design. Moreover, the heterogeneity of the CCT can generate substantial inequality, as household incomes in the lowest quantile fall. Therefore, governments should be more generous to households in the lowest wealth quantile, and carefully manage the program based on the needs of CCT beneficiaries.