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The article is concerned with storytelling practices and the emergence of a Pentecostal Gitano historical consciousness and intelligentsia in Spain. The paper builds upon previous work on the historiography of the Pentecostal Gitano movement and engages with discussions regarding the anthropological place of memory in religious movements by hermeneutically examining the content of influential books written by prominent leaders of the early Pentecostal Gitano movement. These Gitano leaders, through their stories, ideas, and accounts (i.e. the idea that Roma people are descended from the Lost Tribes of Israel), have significantly shaped institutional narratives and provided Pentecostal Gitano believers with a general framework through which the past is reconstructed and understood. By focusing on the creation and dissemination of Gitano religious frameworks about the past, the article also highlights a key overlooked aspect of Romani Pentecostalism, the complex interplay between literacy and orality in Spanish Gitanos’ religious institutional identity and mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the recent Russian historiography (2010s – early 2020s) on the anti-cosmopolitan campaign launched by the Soviet authorities in 1949–1953. The research relied on the principles of historicism and objectivity. The authors used the methods of comparative-historical and problem-chronological research, retrospective and prospective analyses, and periodization to identify the research areas that keep attracting modern Russian historians. The latter seem to pursue the following problems and topics: the authorities vs. the Soviet intelligentsia; the Doctors’ Plot (1953); the state policy against Jewish communities; the anti-cosmopolitan campaign in provincial regions. The relationship between the authorities and the Soviet intelligentsia proved to be the most popular topic. The authors identified the main approaches that modern Russian historians applied to this topic. In addition, they compared the most recent Russian historiography with earlier research data to identify the topics that still maintain their debatable nature. Modern historians seem to focus on the anti-cosmopolitan campaign in peripheral Soviet regions. Apparently, the ethnic regions of the RSFSR interpreted the campaign in their own ways. The regional specifics of the anti-cosmopolitan campaign still need comprehensive research. Another promising direction is represented by biographical reconstructions of the repressed Soviet intelligentsia.

The article is a review of the book by V.V. Zverev Essays on the Intellectual Heritage of Ya.V. Abramov (Moscow: RUDN University Press, 2024. 157 p.). Although, as the author argues, an extensive and fundamental book on the life and work of Yakov Vasilyevich Abramov (1858-1906), a remarkable Russian publicist and ideologist of the moderate populist movement, has not yet been written, the monograph under review is a valuable, historically and sociologically sound and thorough work about the creator of the so-called “Abramovshchina”, or, according to the more traditional scientific-publicist discourse, the “theory of those small deeds” that “make up the lives of millions” (P. 28).

The question of the essence of national consciousness, of the methods of communication between an intellectual city dweller and a villager does not lose its relevance today. The purpose of the research is to consider the writing attitudes of L.N. Tolstoy, A.P. Chekhov, P.S. Romanov, V.M. Shukshin on the possibility/impossibility of mutual understanding between representatives of urban and rural cultures. The author analyzes the lifetime criticism of Chekhov’s story “Peasants”, which invariably referred to the comparison of writers’ approaches to the problem of the village and the techniques of Tolstoy and Chekhov’s poetics. The distinctiveness of the conflict in Chekhov’s short story “New Dacha”, as well as in “Peasants” and “In the Ravine”, is highlighted, emphasizing the breakdown of communication. This disconnection is not primarily characterized by social differences between different classes or even between urban and rural dwellers. Instead, it is portrayed as interpersonal disconnect, a kind of “arithmetic,” as coined by P.B. Struve. In addition, a search is being carried out for elements of Chekhov’s approach to the problem in Russian literature of the 20th century. The observation is made that the drama of mutual misunderstanding artistically reproduced by Chekhov occurred in Tolstoy’s life, that Tolstoy, a philosopher, ideologist and thinker, ends up losing the battle to himself, the artist. The continuation of the Chekhovian tradition is observed in the works of Panteleimon Romanov, a writer of the 20s and 30s in the 20th century. In the latter half of the century Vasily Shukshin, a writer, screenwriter, and a film director, also addressed the issue of the breakdown in communication between the intelligentsia and the common people. However, Shukshin approached the eternal problem from a different angle, looking at it through the “looking glass” - the reverse side - from the perspective of a peasant.

Among those included in the lists of being sent out in 1922 as part of the "Philosophers' Steamboat," there was Sergei Nikolayevich (Father Sergius) Bulgakov (1871–1944). Prior to his deportation, Bulgakov, after many years of struggle, reunited his philosophical and theological journeys. This is reflected in his dialogues and essays, in particular, in At the Feast of the Gods and At the Walls of Chersonesus, and Tragedy of Philosophy. In exile, Bulgakov continued to reflect on the tragedy of a thinker facing a spiritual catastrophe, the tragedy of Russia torn by wars and revolutions, and his personal tragedies. Having regained his firm foundation and a way to overcome his uprootedness, Bulgakov makes an outstanding contribution to preserving Russian culture. This paper focuses on Bulgakov as a person, and his philosophy of religion is considered from the vantage point of how it reflects his personal struggles and humanistic worldview. The Philosophers' Steamboat, an act of ideological repressions that followed the turbulent years of the Bolshevik Revolution and the Civil War, bears a lesson for today when Russia is at war again, and many prominent cultural figures sever ties with their country. Sergei Bulgakov's fate and work set an example of living and creating through tragedy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In 1997, I conducted interviews with and observed former East German academics who belonged to the Leipzig branch of the Rosa Luxemburg Association. This segment of the East German intelligentsia shared counterfactual narratives about how reformers could have changed the trajectory of East German history. Identifying with the reformers, they signalled their loyalty to the German Democratic Republic while distancing themselves from its reputation for political repression. They also shared narratives about the post-socialist era in which they cast themselves as victims of Germany's reunification. These narratives implied that they did not unduly benefit from reunification nor pose a threat to the new democratic order. Other segments of the former East German intelligentsia, such as jurists and journalists, represented themselves as professionally active in the post-socialist time-space, consciously shaping their reputation in relation to their western German colleagues. The article concludes with a comparison to the Romanian and Polish intelligentsias, who, unlike segments of the East German intelligentsia, cast themselves as contributing to their nations' respective futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The World Literature Publishing House (1918-1924), founded on the initiative of Maxim Gorky, is the first Soviet literary publishing institution designed to ensure interaction between the new government and the broadest literary and scientific circles of the Russian intelligentsia. As an institutional association of writers, scientists, translators and editors, the publishing house developed the principles of its existence in accordance with the complex socio-political and economic situation of the first years of revolutionary transformations in the country. Based on the documents of the A.M. Gorky Archive of the Institute of World Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences, a digital archive of the publishing house vsemirka-doc.ru was created as part of the Russian Science Foundation project “The History of the World Literature Publishing House in Documents: the Fate of the Creative Intelligentsia of Russia in the Post-Revolutionary Space through the Prism of the Maxim Gorky Publishing Project”. Thanks to the project, researchers can gain access to previously unknown documents, in particular, to the minutes of the Editorial Board meetings, which shed light on the methods and principles of the publishing house’s work during the first six post-revolutionary years.

The article is based on the transcript of the discussion on the work of the popular illustrated magazine Sovetsky Ekran (The Soviet Screen) and the materials of the issues of 1957 and 1958. This array of texts and illustrative materials has not been previously studied and analysed in the humanities, which determines the substantial novelty of the research. The relevance of this topic is due to the need to comprehend the Soviet experience of periodicals on cinema associated with a wide range of authors — journalists, film critics, historians, and film theorists. The purpose of the article is to identify the sentiment of the meeting participants on the ideological discourse and their professional circle. The author compares the discussions with the specifics of articles and photo reports on the pages of Sovetsky Ekran, traces the development of behavioural patterns and rhetorical formulas during the meeting, and puts the issues under discussion in the context of the development of criticism, film studies, attitudes to cinematography as the ‘auteur’ film aesthetics and the entertaining, ‘light’ formats. This allows us to analyse the trends of self-positioning of film industry professionals, film critics, and film historians and to see the complexity of their relationship with the ideological system. The author notes the combination of Thaw tendencies with the speakers, their appeal to the concept of friendship, the desire to defend the interests of film professionals and the interests and values of wide circles of intelligentsia. Symbolism is associated with digressions from the official agenda of the meeting. The speeches regularly feature memories of the 1920s and the references to the topic of foreign countries and foreign cinema life. There is an obvious interest in turning the magazine into a platform for professional film studies. Conclusions are drawn about the underlying reluctance to discuss cinema and magazine business from the standpoint of ideology, about the desire of the intelligentsia to strengthen their cultural influence, and about the cinematographers’ rejection of the need to satisfy mass tastes through light, entertaining magazine materials.

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Vikentiy Veresaev’s novel V tupike (In a Dead-End) was the first major Soviet literary work set in the civil war of 1918-21. It continued Veresaev’s already established literary focus on the evolution of the political and spiritual outlooks among Russia’s socialist intelligentsia, those educated members of society whose life was guided by a commitment to improving the life of the toiling classes. This article focuses on the novel’s depiction of attitudes among the intelligentsia to a central question of the novel: the contradiction between the revolutionary regime’s professed humanistic, socialist goals and the often violent and arbitrary means which it adopted. The article ends with a brief discussion of the novel’s reception, before its ultimate banning in the early 1930s.

A escrita memorialista auxiliou a intelligentsia russa a forjar a sua identidade enquanto grupo. Muitas mulheres desse grupo se aventuraram pelo gênero memorialístico/autobiográfico e narraram suas vidas, sendo que várias dessas histórias transcorreram nas situações mais difíceis e desafiadoras. O presente artigo analisa um diário da autoria de Elena Skriábina intitulado Cerco e Sobrevivência – A Odisseia de uma Leningradense, que é sobre a experiência de ter sobrevivido ao cerco de Leningrado. A cidade (atual São Petersburgo) ficou cercada na Segunda Guerra Mundial durante 872 dias pelas tropas de Hitler, e seus moradores enfrentaram terríveis privações e dificuldades. O texto de Skriábina ao mesmo tempo em que fala sobre a impossibilidade de viver uma experiência que não esteja condicionada a um evento histórico, abre os olhos do leitor para a importância da narração e do registro das vidas transcorridas em meio ao turbilhão da História.

In the latter half of the 19th century, students of Eastern Galicia, who were destined to become scientists, engineers and cultural figures, had joined together in societies to advocate for their right to receive education in their native language. Additionally, they endeavored to advance the concept of developing a distinct «national science». The aim of the study is to analyze a new stage of nationally oriented, cultural, educational and scientific activities of Ukrainian student societies in Eastern Galicia from the late 19th century to 1939 which began due to active cooperation with Metropolitan A. Sheptytskyi. The author has used chronological, historical-comparative, retrospective, and interdisciplinary methods, including the structural method, to analyze historical evidence. The specificity of functioning of Ukrainian student societies in difficult and unfavorable conditions has investigated and has proved that the dominant direction of their activity was consolidation of society and realization of national and cultural aspirations of the Ukrainian people, catalyzing processes in the educational and scientific sphere through active interaction with A. Sheptytskyi. In the time period covered by this study, students collaborated with parties of various persuasions, took part in the fighting of the First World War and fought for the establishment of the Ukrainian University as a center of higher education and a Ukrainian scientific school. In the absence of opportunities and their own scientific institutions, student societies carried out their applied, fundamental, search and methodological research during participation in summer schools, applying their results in the publication of student periodicals, speeches at student congresses and studios, which were mostly organized and supported by intellectuals, including A. Sheptytskyi. To achieve this goal, Ukrainian student societies used a range of methods, from writing research papers and proclamations to boycotts. And the vision of the idea of state-building united Ukrainian students with well-known public and spiritual figures, scholars and artists of Eastern Galicia.

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Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The manifestation of Russian imperial ambitions in February 2022 caught many around the world by surprise, but Ukrainian scholarly attempts at decolonization had been ongoing for years prior to the invasion. Intellectuals have strived to re-imagine Ukrainian identity beyond the conceptualization of the country in imperial discourse as 'little Russia'. This paper examines how the phenomenon of the intelligentsia has been re-interpreted, by performing a critical discourse analysis of Ukrainian scholarly discourse on the dichotomy between 'intellectuals' and 'intelligentsia', a dichotomy previously used by the Soviet Union to juxtapose Western and Soviet academics. The study focuses on scholarship that has been underrepresented in the global science system because its research outputs have been communicated in Ukrainian rather than English. The analysis demonstrates how the scholarly discourse reclaims the agency of Ukrainian intellectuals and challenges the Soviet collectivist understanding of the term 'intelligentsia'. Ukrainian academics approach the reassessment of colonial legacies critically. They reject the intellectuals–intelligentsia dichotomy by reconciling the two terms to accommodate the identity of Ukrainian scholars who are able to shape their individual purpose through their restored academic freedom and individual agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While most research on stigmatization in migration deals with the prejudice of locals toward immigrants, this article analyzes the symbolic rivalry and contest vividly present in the intra-group Russian-language immigrant discourse in Israel. Drawing on our recent digital ethnography, we focus on the heated discussion between the two social class-based groups – the Soviet-Jewish 'Intelligentsia', oldcomers from the Soviet Union to Israel, and the recent migration from Putin's Russia. If the first is a remnant of the Soviet social structure, the latter is the symbolic successor of the former and is part of the post-Soviet transition. In our interpretation of the harsh digital exchange, we build on the conceptualization of educated middle-class migration and then employ the theoretical lenses of scapegoating and Orientalization – mechanisms of inter-group stigmatization that are both universal and driven by particular scripts of social relations. Our analysis contributes to understanding the broader context of contemporary migration by demonstrating the role played by significant social categories borrowed from home in post-migration processes and group relations. In addition, the article offers a pioneering sociological portrait of the new post-Soviet immigrant group leaving Russia under Putin's regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The news media have given saturation coverage in the past six months to two developments in the USSR: the detente with the West and the activities (both in the USSR and abroad) of the Soviet (The word Soviet is used simply in reference to the country without any implication as to the nature of the regime. Russia cannot be employed as it does not embrace the non-Russian nationalities) liberal dissidents. As this article tries to, show, the two events are not unrelated. It is important to understand the background to both as well as the significance of the emergence of a largely right-wing intelligentsia. The latter can best be understood in terms of the repression of the left together with the evolution of an ideology which fits their own socio-economic position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relevance The formation and development of the political elite play a decisive role in determining the direction of social transformations and implementing strategic changes. Therefore, researching the political elites of the regions of Ukraine allows us to understand how these elites influenced national movements. A comprehensive study of the regional political elite, its influence on local and national processes, fills existing gaps in historiography and contributes to a more complete illumination of the events of the early 20th century in Ukraine. Researching the biographies and activities of individual representatives of the political elite, such as P. Blonsky and the participants of the 1906 conference, allows for the creation of a more complex portrait of this group, revealing their social and ethnic characteristics, educational level, and ideological-political orientations. This contributes to a deeper understanding of not only the political history of Ukraine but also the cultural and social processes that shaped Ukrainian national consciousness. Objective The objective of the research is to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the Ukrainian political elite of Podillia Governorate as of 1906. The research aims to uncover aspects such as the ideological-political orientations and activities of the representatives of Podillia’s political elite. It seeks to identify the socialethnic composition, educational level, and professional characteristics of the members of the regional political elite. Additionally, it aims to analyze the biographies of several figures who influenced political processes in the region and to reveal the social portrait of Ukrainian political activists in revolutionary movements and their participation in election campaigns to the State Dumas of the Russian Empire. The research will also provide an assessment of the influence of the regional elite on the national and local context of political development. Methods The methodology of the study of the political elite of Podillia Governorate in 1906 is based on a comprehensive approach that includes the following methods: historical, biographical, sociological methods, content analysis, etc. Conclusions The evolution of the political elite was closely connected with the general political context of the Russian Empire, where a transition from autocracy to more liberal forms of governance was observed. The analysis showed that the political elite had a diverse social composition. The biographical method revealed that the political elite of Podillia Governorate consisted of various social groups, including nobility, intelligentsia, merchants, and clergy. Key representatives of the elite sought to attain a high level of education and were active participants in political life, holding significant administrative and public positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the two packages of archival documents — the 1955 resolutions on the establishment of the popular illustrated magazine Sovetsky Ekran (The Soviet Screen) and the transcript of the discussion of the magazine’s work in the Union of Cinematography Workers in 1958. The author of the article considers the general style of the issues of The Soviet Screen of 1957 and 1958 and the individual materials, in particular, the wishes for the new magazine and the retellings of readers’ letters on the pages of the magazine; analyses and compares the initial goals of the magazine, its real format in 1957, its gradual transformation in 1958, and the evolution of tasks and strategies declared in various documents, published texts, and oral presentations at discussion. Certain contradictions are observed between the stated purpose of advertising Soviet films in order to increase distribution and cinema rental profits, and the ideological requirements emanating from the state cultural management. The author highlights an ambiguous attitude towards mass demands and the creative interests of the intelligentsia. There was a lack of consensus on film journalism, the preferred genres, and themes of the magazine articles both among the ‘ordinary readers’ and the professionals of the film industry — writers, critics, and journalists. The absence of a common vision on almost all the issues raised in the discussion allows us to see the complexity and versatility of tastes and mores among the intelligentsia of the Thaw, to recognise the contradictions between the perception of art and culture by the intelligentsia, on the one hand, and the mass perception, on the other hand. The article also sheds light on attitudes towards commerce, profit, and the social, financial and media success in the late 1950s.

Relevance. Intelligence as a complex phenomenon and the mental property of a person is studied in various interpretations, in the social and humanitarian discourse. The works of philosophers, political scientists, sociologists, cult urologists, psychologists, teachers and representatives of other sciences are devoted to the issues of the essence, structure, functional and activity characteristics of intelligence. The interdict capillarity and systemic complexity of the phenomenon of intelligence raises the question of the relationship and conjugation of this concept with the current level of development of psychological knowledge within the framework of modern scientific rationality. The disclosure of the psychological properties of intelligence makes it possible to objectively cognize its social and subjective nature. Materials and methods. The correlation and integration of knowledge about intelligence as a subjective quality and the quality of a person is manifested in the conjugation of modern psychological scientific rationality. The study of psychological knowledge about intelligence is carried out through the consistent and complex application of axiological, activity, systemic, subjective approaches and modern concepts in the philosophy of science. To consider and build an objective picture of psychological knowledge about intelligence in modern scientific rationality, a systematic and analytical method, synthetic and analog studies, a deductive method and a method of conceptualization, abstraction and generalization are applied. Results. Knowledge of the psychological characteristics and features of the functioning of intelligence as a dynamic, emotional, intellectual and value phenomenon from the standpoint of post-non-classical scientific rationality allows us to consider it as a complex self-developing system inherent in a certain social subject and being a product of the development of culture. Discussions and Conclusions. The modern development of psychological knowledge indicates that today psychology considers various phenomena and complex psychosocial systems. As for the phenomenon of intelligence, its characteristics, from the standpoint of post-non-classical scientific rationality, are intellectuality, dynamism, communicativeness, subjectivity, activity and value-semantic properties and qualities that interact and are realized in a complex social environment, functioning in their systemic totality.

The idea of the organizational state and composition of one of the most significant parties in pre-revolutionary Russia – the party of Socialists Revolutionaries – gives a lot to understand its essence. The agreement on the creation of the party was made in the spirit of traditions of illegal conspiratorial organizations. The party appeared as an extremely amorphous formation. Until the turn of 1905–1906, its organizational principles were not formulated and were not approved by the general party forum. The competencies of the structural divisions, the criteria for membership were not clear to everyone. The party structure evolved spontaneously, in the spirit of the traditions of the revolutionary organizations in Russia in the 1970-ies and 1990-ies of the XIX century. Simultaneously existing «non-party» and «party» committees and groups characterized two dimensions: a socio-political movement and a political party. Consolidation in general terms was completed by the end of 1905. At the beginning of the XX century. the main part of the Socialist-Revolutionary organizations was located in the provinces of European Russia. Basically, the Socialist-Revolutionary organizations operated in the intellectual and industrial centers of the country, areas of concentration of the intelligentsia. A significant part of the party leadership was made up of representatives of the generation of the 40–60-ies of the XIX century of birth. The committees were dominated by young people of the 70–80-ies of the XIX century of birth. The party included representatives of various social groups, first of all the intelligentsia, then workers and peasants. Intra-party ties were weak and intermittent; the main unifying center was «Revolutionary Russia». Theoretical, tactical and organizational problems were discussed behind the scenes. In the structure of the party, the features of an illegal circle organization were clearly manifested.

The article analyses the direct and indirect impact on Lithuanian society of the Soviet military garrisons established by the Mutual Assistance Treaty of 1939 with the USSR. It is written that the official (public) and unofficial (private) attitudes towards the presence of the Red Army bases in Lithuania were different. The deep perception of the garrisons’ potential threat to the sovereignty of the state was denied by official reports of the Lithuanian government. As a result of this and other circumstances mentioned in the article, the majority of the Lithuanian population accepted the fact of Soviet garrison deployment in Lithuania as an undesirable, but non-threatening circumstance resulting from the bilateral relations between Lithuania and the USSR. The article describes the practices of formal and informal communication and relations of the civilian population with the Soviet military garrisons, which had significant consequences for the public perception of the political processes of the summer of 1940 in Lithuania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The present study is a preliminan, analysis, from a socio-professional perspective, of the first set of guantitative data on the generations of Romanian students who studied at the pontifical universities iii Ronic between 1853 and 1948. Without research that could piece together the general picture of all the students educated in Rome during the discussed period, this study identifies the generations of stridents trained over a cent, inG their furmative patterns, their contacts and partictilarities, and the prottssional paths tbHowed by the graduates. It outlines the socio-cultural climate in which the three generations of students were educated and its impact on their theological and intellectual profile. A special part of this stlidy is dedicated to identifring and analyzing the factors that contributed to the selection of the students and their career paths, focusing particularly on the impact of social origin, cducation, kinship relations, as well as on political factors. Last but not least, it also considers the dynamics of the embleinatic figures of each generation, the university dropout phenomenon, and the reasons behind career changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The author attempts to determine the place of the intellectuals in the social structure of the information society and the main tasks facing the intellectuals in such a difficult turning point. This fact determines the relevance of the research topic. The aim of the research is to identify main features, functions and mission of the intellectuals of the modernity. Transition to the information age leads to the transformations in all spheres of human life: economic, political, social, spiritual. The article considers the humanistic transformation of a technogenic society caused by the need to preserve spiritual and moral values and culture as a whole. The special role of intellectuals in this process is emphasized. The analysis of the works of famous theoreticians of the information society allows us to conclude that Western futurologists practically do not use the concept of “intelligentsia” in their works, preferring concepts such as “intellectuals”, “technocrats”. Russian scientists, on the contrary, note their own path of entry into the “noosphere” and assign intellectuals a central place. The author defines the intelligentsia as a spiritual and moral elite, consisting of intellectuals with a high moral position, and its main purpose is to counter the dominance of consumer mass culture in the process of spiritual and moral healing of the nation.

The current stage of development of the Russian society is characterized by a sharp increase in the role of the medical intelligentsia and academic science of the Kuban and Adygea in the formation of the historical and cultural heritage. The research also has historiographic significance. In recent decades, there has been a sharp increase in interest in the problem of historical and cultural heritage, however, in general, its development is fragmentary, which makes the task of a comprehensive study of the problem urgent. The relevance of the topic is also proved by the fact that its consideration makes it possible to comprehend thoroughly the broader problems of domestic natural science and humanitarian cultures. The research is based on a combination of different methods. The use of a systematic approach, which made it possible to carry out a comprehensive study of the role of G.N. Speransky, as a representative of medical academic science in the formation of the historical and cultural heritage of the Kuban and Adygea was of fundamental importance. The regional aspect of the investigated problem predetermined its consideration from the standpoint of the methodology of local history. The need to give the study a logical and structural integrity led to the application of the problem-chronological method. The purpose of the research is to study the role of medical intelligentsia in creation and preservation of the historical and cultural heritage of both the subjects of the Russian Federation and the entire state that by considering the activities of the famous doctor G.N. Speransky and his contribution to the development of the child health care system and academic medicine. It has been concluded that G.N. Speransky made an invaluable contribution to the development of the doctrine of a newborn child and the organization of a neonatological service in the country, and also laid the foundations for this direction of medicine in the Kuban and Adygea. New progressive processes in the development of domestic medicine became the evidence of the growth of academic medicine and the formation of new cultural needs.

The article considers a set of issues related to the process of spreading the Russian language in Ossetia in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries, among which the problem of the native language occupied a central place as it was on the periphery of the educational activities of the local elementary school. The article based on a wide range of diverse sources, including legislative acts, with the primary use of materials from newspaper periodicals of the early 20th century, published in the Terek region. An analysis of documentary materials showed that the spread of the Russian language in the North Caucasian outskirts and its linguistic “Russification” was provided with legal support due to its immanent significance as a marker of Russian statehood. The main attention in the article is paid to the analysis of the journalistic discourse of early 20th century formed in Ossetia relatively the position of the Ossetian language in elementary school, which was assigned the functions of an auxiliary tool for mastering the Russian language. The main ideas and provisions expressed by representatives of the Ossetian intelligentsia and reflected in the pages of the regional periodical press are considered. Pedagogical authorities recognized in Ossetia, writers and public figures spoke out in defense of the native language, which faced the threat of complete oblivion on the peripheryof educational work and lost its original functions of a folk educator and teacher. Recognizing the objectivity of the factors that determined the secondary status of the Ossetian language (the absence for a long time of textbooks, teaching aids and methodological materials for Ossetian schools, etc.), publicists came out with demands for the translation of primary education into the native language of pupils, which were supported by the highest Caucasian administration. At the same time, the advanced Ossetian public recognized the historical conditionality of the need for the mountaineers to master the Russian language space as a factor that softens the painful process of adaptation to new realities and ensures movement towards a civil universe. The preservation of the native language as the core of the national culture along this path was perceived as a moral duty of the intelligentsia, an imperative of its creative activity.

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The article deals with the problem of embedding foreigners in the early Soviet society in the conditions of the end of the Civil War in Siberia. For this purpose, on the basis of the anthropological approach, theories of social adaptation and social identity, the biography of the representative of the Czech intelligentsia Pyotr Vasilyevich Glinko–Appin is analyzed. The final stage of his life was associated with work in the special services of anti-Bolshevik and pro-Soviet authorities, being in custody, participating in the Soviet underground, and working as a civil engineer. The basis for the study is a complex of unpublished forensic and investigative materials that are part of the archival criminal case against the hero of the story. In conclusion, it is emphasized that a foreign officer with an anti-Bolshevik past could not count on successful social adaptation in the conditions of Soviet Russia.

Using a variety of archival materials and published sources, this article reconstructs the pre-revolutionary stage in the biography of Nikolai Nikolaevich Parfentiev (1877–1943), a prominent professor in the Department of Pure Mathematics at Imperial Kazan University. Here, we also create his sociopsychological portrait through the retrospective analysis of his relationship with parents and family members. Particular attention is paid to his work as a researcher and lecturer at Kazan University and to his views on reforming school education, specifically to what concerns teaching mathematics. The forms of education favored by him are singed out. The results obtained show that N.N. Parfentiev was a great reformer: he introduced new teaching methods, organized the Physics and Mathematics Commission as part of the Pedagogical Society of Kazan University, and headed the Students’ Circle of Physics and Mathematics. To add some detail to the complex portrait of this scholar, we consider his participation in the public organizations for science and education, social and political ideas expressed by him. The archival sources shed light on his participation in the gathering of Kazan University students on January 23, 1905 and on the repressive measures that followed. Most Russian scholars were deeply shocked by the October Revolution of 1917 and faced the challenge of defining their social attitudes. N.N. Parfentiev had used to speak out in support of the anti-Bolshevik Corps of the Czechoslovak Legion, but then was among the first university professors who pursued active cooperation with the Soviet authorities. This played an important role in the subsequent development of research projects at Kazan University. The article publishes for the first time the photographs from the family archive of N.D. Parfentieva and the Museum of History of Kazan Federal University. Our study shows that understanding the background and motives of the choices made by public figures during major social upheavals in the state history is highly relevant and socially significant.

During the mid-1990s the Pro-European concept of the Russian nation was formed in the post-Soviet ideological space, contrary to the prevailing traditionalist, soil-based forms of Russian nationalism, mainly focused on the search for a "special way". The former is based on the values of democracy and individualism while the main emphasis of the ideology is the leadership of intellectuals in political life. This article studies the genesis of aforementioned trend in contemporary Russian nationalism in the context of two historical circumstances: the ideological and social status of post-Soviet intellectuals and the Russian-language Internet at the stage of transition to social networks. A key element of the transition period is the emergence of mass online communication, anticipating the beginning of social networks era. Combination of elitism and emphasis on the text were combined with increasing popularity and anonymity, where all these qualities were embodied in guest books. Thus, we will try to show how the communicative environment of the early Runet was arranged and how it influenced rhetorical strategies, styles of public behavior and ideology of contemporary Russian nationalists. As an example in our work, we will consider Dmitry Galkovsky's Internet resource "Samizdat", which was functioning in the late 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK 2016 EU Referendum has introduced a period of uncertainty for both the indigenous population and for non-British citizens. This uncertainty is considered within a framework of the recent revisions in the sociology of moral panics through an analysis of interviews with Polish migrant workers. This analysis reveals two main discursive framing logics. The first logic refers to a self-reported anti-Polish migrant moral panic discourse that – according to respondents – was exploited by British anti-migrant campaigners. The second type of articulation illustrates the good moral panic logic, namely, a panicking discourse appearing among respondents about the vulnerability of their community in post-Referendum Britain. This article, however, problematises the good moral panic logic by eliciting competing narratives found in the interview data. The latter did not aim merely at stimulating caring attitudes but referred also to moral regulation techniques to manage Brexit-oriented risks and avoid the trap of becoming a vulnerable migrant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of History / Habaršy Tarihi Seriâsy is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Insāniyāt / Revue Algérienne d'Anthropologie et de Sciences Sociales is the property of Centre de Recherche en Anthropologie Sociale et Culturelle (CRASC) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The issue of the attitude of various political forces of the early 20th century to Leo Tolstoy’s doctrines remains very relevant. On the one hand, it is due to the fact that the religious and philosophical ideas of the writer are still popular among liberal politicians and intelligentsia, contributing to the growth of oppositional, pacifist, and anti-clerical sentiments in a certain part of society. On the other hand, it is due to the “conservative turn” that is taking place today in the minds of the political elite and the majority of the population. In this context, historical themes related to the history of Russian conservatism are of increased interest. In this article an attempt was made to comprehensively analyze public addresses (speeches and sermons) and written sources (brochures, articles, books, diaries) of famous representatives of the right-wing monarchist (Black Hundred) movement of the late 19th – early 20th centuries, both priests of the Orthodox Church and the laity, which contain certain judgment about Leo Tolstoy’s activities and works as well as his religio-ethical and political views. The article concludes that almost all Russian conservatives positively assessed the writer’s literary talent, noting artistic merits of his literary works. At the same time, the article notes that the right-wingers severely criticized the religious views of Leo Tolstoy, considering them heretical and agreeing with the decision of the Most Holy Synod to unchurch the writer. The majority of the right-wingers considered the “spirit of pride” to be the main reason for Leo Tolstoy’s “spiritual decline.” The writer’s religious and ethical views were especially severely condemned by the Orthodox clergy. It is worth noting that some right-wingers found a rational grain in some aspects of Tolstoy’s worldview (vegetarianism, sobriety); at the same time, they specified that they condemned the writer’s “blasphemy.” The article emphasizes that despite the harsh criticism of Tolstoyism, right-wing political organizations (parties, unions) as well as unofficial right-wing structures (circles, salons) did not manage to develop a set of measures to counter Tolstoy’s doctrines, limiting themselves to verbal criticism of Tolstoyism.

Relevance. Leading domestic scientists who dealt with the problem of studying the intelligentsia note in their works that intellectuals are not born and it is not encoded in the genes. The values of the intelligentsia are formed and brought up in the course of a purposefully organized pedagogical process and psychological influence. The theoretical and informational basis of this process, as well as the main source, is social memory as a semantic accumulator. Social memory as a dynamic mental formation and as a social phenomenon has its own structure and carriers, as well as cultural and psychological transmission mechanisms. Materials and methods. Comprehensive knowledge of the concept and features of the functioning of the social memory of the military intelligentsia, as well as the mechanisms of its translation, was carried out based on systemic, axiological and subjective methodological approaches. The applied scientific methods were analysis and synthesis, analogy and comparison, abstraction and generalization. Results of the study. The key scientific results of the study are the accumulation of generalized ideas about the social memory of the domestic military intelligentsia and the psychological mechanisms of its transmission. The results of the study can be used to organize the pedagogical process in a military university to develop the intelligence of future officers.

In this article, through the prism of the anthropological approach and the theory of social adaptation, the biography of the representative of the Russian technical intelligentsia Mikhail Vasilyevich Lebedev is analyzed. He was given an alternate service in the Russian (imperial) army, the People’s Army of the Committee of the Members of the Legislative Assembly, the White Siberian Army, the Red Army, and Soviet institutions. The study was based on a set of unpublished sources from the funds of the Museum of Urban Life, the Historical Archive of the Omsk Region, and the archive of the FSB of Russia in the Omsk Region. The author concludes that, despite belonging to the category of «former people» and repression, the hero of the story has successfully adapted to the conditions of the Soviet society.

This article returns to sociological investigation of the intriguing phenomenon of the Solidarity social movement. Contrary to a popular position which sees Solidarity as important but closed chapter in Polish history, we argue that its legacy, in contrast to other historic events such as Prague's spring and Hungarian uprising, should be seen as an ongoing social process in Poland and in the broader region of Eastern and Central Europe. In order to lay out our argument we describe Polish intelligentsia members' practices aimed at the reproduction and strengthening of the legacy of Solidarity - an important tool which legitimizes intelligentsia's dominant position in the post-communist Poland. In the empirical part we are particularly interested in analysis of efforts aimed at strengthening the legacy of Solidarity by universalizing it at the transnational level, which we analyzed on the case study of interaction between members of the Polish and Ukrainian elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kultura Slowian is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Socjologiczny is the property of Lodz Scientific Society / Lodzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article investigates a neglected issue of the influence of systemic transformation in Central and Eastern Europe on the (sub)field of social sciences and more broadly on local fields of power. Our case study concerns a vibrant and internationally connected network of scholars from various disciplines and generations who were involved in developing and popularizing a dependency paradigm in communist Poland. As we show that the fall of communism and related transformation in the Polish field of power brought about dramatic shift in terms of their career trajectories as well as their ideological orientation and in consequence a sudden disappearance of this academic ecosystem. On this basis we argue about wider changes--encompassing marginalization of the "critical," autonomous tradition and strengthening of heteronomic trends in social sciences in the region but also at the global level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The history of the deportation of the German population to the USSR up to the present time is estimated ambiguously. The issue of the situation of the German intelligentsia deported to the territory of the Kazakh SSR, including members of the AUCP(b) during the Great Patriotic War, remains problematic and has not been thoroughly studied by scholars. The war created a difficult situation: two different streams of people of German nationality merged on the territory of the Kazakh SSR. On the one hand, there were local Germans living in Kazakhstan since pre-revolutionary times, and on the other hand, there were Germans deported during the period of the Great Patriotic War, which requires a separate study. Methods and materials. Based on declassified documents of state and party bodies of regional and republican levels marked “Classified”, on the example of the Kustanay regional party organization, the features of the “privileged position” of Germans, members of the AUCP(b) in the conditions of deportation are considered. At the same time, in the regional aspect, detailed lists of teachers, medical workers – “German immigrants who arrived in Kustanay region in 1941” – are being introduced into scholarly discourse, which made it possible to find out the composition of the deported German intelligentsia. The archive file “List of teachers evacuated to districts of Kustanay region in 1941–1942” was analyzed separately, which was not reflected in the historical literature. Analysis. The analysis of the documents shows that, with rare exceptions, all the German intelligentsia deported to Kazakhstan (teachers, philologists, librarians, medical workers) turned out to be collective farm labor in 1941. Proof of discrimination against people of German nationality was the complete absence of data on German teachers (both local and resettled) in the lists of teachers and documents of local authorities. The extremely difficult situation of the deported German intelligentsia (the Volga German ASSR, the Crimean ASSR, the Ukrainian SSR) at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War on the territory of the Kazakh SSR is revealed in the regional aspect (on the example of Kostanay region). This is evidenced by the fate of German teachers, including the German party intelligentsia during the deportation to Kazakhstan at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War. Along with this, declassified party documents directly indicate that persons of German nationality continued to be accepted in the primary party cells into the ranks of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Kazakhstan even after the beginning of the Great Patriotic War. Among them were deported German Communists as well. Results. As a result of the collective research work of historians of Russia and Kazakhstan, the situation of the German intelligentsia (including members of the Bolshevik Party) deported at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War from the Volga German ASSR, the Crimean ASSR, and the Ukrainian SSR to the territory of the Kazakh SSR (on the example of Kustanay region) was studied and subjected to scientific analysis for the first time. The article materials will help to facilitate the work of scholars, local historians, and descendants of deported Germans to establish the fate of the loved ones, find the confirmation of their being in forced settlements, and at the same time, broaden scientific topics of papers on the history of Germans in Kazakhstan

This article investigates a neglected issue of the influence of systemic transformation in Central and Eastern Europe on the (sub)field of social sciences and more broadly on local fields of power. Our case study concerns a vibrant and internationally connected network of scholars from various disciplines and generations who were involved in developing and popularizing a dependency paradigm in communist Poland. As we show that the fall of communism and related transformation in the Polish field of power brought about dramatic shift in terms of their career trajectories as well as their ideological orientation and in consequence a sudden disappearance of this academic ecosystem. On this basis we argue about wider changes—encompassing marginalization of the “critical,” autonomous tradition and strengthening of heteronomic trends in social sciences in the region but also at the global level.

The authoritarian turn in Turkey compelled many citizens to change life trajectories which included extreme measures such as migration and exile. Thousands of people left Turkey in the last decade, this recent wave constituting one of the largest Turkish migrations to Europe and beyond. The profile of the migrants included those who were comfortable with and/or opposed the current regime's political and social policies, members of oppressed minority groups, Gülen movement members who are accused of orchestrating the failed 2016 coup attempt as well as white collar and secular Turkish citizens who made lifestyle migration choices because of the political and economic developments in the country. The article focuses on the narratives of a specific group within this new wave, those whom we refer to as Turkey's intelligentsia in exile, and who decided to leave Turkey following the Gezi protests in 2013. The findings are based on 25 interviews conducted in 2021 with former academics, activists, artists, journalists and politicians who migrated to a variety of locations as a result of pending trials or arrest warrants against them, dehumanization discourse that pro-regime politicians directed toward them, as well as lack of freedom of speech and assembly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]