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Learning analytics promise significant benefit to online education providers through improved, better-targeted student services. Much has been written about the potential of analytics and how they might be technically implemented, and various ethical considerations are published highlighting the significant potential risk of gathering, manipulating and applying student data to education. Developing an ethical position provides institutions with an opportunity to critically appraise their assumptions and practice however how best to articulate one is far from clear. This case study outlines the development of an ethical framework at Open Polytechnic of New Zealand and demonstrates how international ethics guidelines for learning analytics have shaped practice and informed policy development. Four stages to developing an ethics position in education institutions were followed: 1) examining existing institutional policy, 2) categorising student data, 3) addressing ethics concerns in a structured way and 4) approving an ethics position and extending practice. The paper concludes with suggestions for those developing ethics positions for implementing learning analytics to help towards a successful outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Property has a ubiquitous presence in international practice, but its implications for theorizing world order are not adequately explored. I remedy this by showing how property constitutes the core concepts of anarchy and sovereignty in international relations (IR) as overlapping spaces of right-based governance. I develop my account of a property-based world order in relation to the work of John Locke. Locke is generally overlooked as a core IR thinker, with the unfortunate consequence that anarchy and sovereignty are conceptualized as polar opposites under the enduring shadow of Hobbes. Even prominent critics of Hobbesian anarchy rely on Hobbesian notions of sovereignty, resulting in minimalist conceptions of international society and international ethics. To counter these Hobbesian legacies, I turn to Locke's limited, plural, and fluid accounts of anarchy and sovereignty and show how they are grounded in a normative notion of property that mutually constitutes them. This provides an alternative to the Hobbesian absolutist conceptions of anarchy and sovereignty that many IR theorists still operate with. The result is a distinctly normative vision for IR that condemns the twin evils of conquest and tyranny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's strategic culture is the crystallization of its civilized values and political culture. As a product of India's history, geo-politics and socio-economic factors, India's strategic culture is rooted in ancient political and philosophical ideas. One of the factors that create uniqueness and consistency is the geographical difference, social diversity, the diversity in the unity of the culture, and the brilliance of the civilized values over 4000 years of history. India's strategic culture has both assimilation and continuity. Through the methods of historical research and policy analysis, the research results show that the influence of India's strategic culture on foreign policy is reflected in the idea of global inclusion. Through the concept of Veda Upanishad (Upanishads - considered important representatives of philosophical thought, mythology, religion, and ancient Indian literature,) with the values "Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam" (The world is one family) and Satyameva Jayate (Truth alone triumphs) - an ancient Indian canonical truth engraved on the national emblem of India, symbolizing profound cultural characteristics and values. This strategic culture has made India truly a strong nation, with a strong economy and a glorious culture based on the power of knowledge and morality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Societies of the East are often contrasted with those of the West in their stances toward technology. This paper explores these perceived differences in the context of international ethics guidance for artificial intelligence (AI) and robotics. Japan serves as an example of the East, while Europe and North America serve as examples of the West. The paper’s principal aim is to demonstrate that Western values predominate in international ethics guidance and that Japanese values serve as a much-needed corrective. We recommend a hybrid approach that is more inclusive and truly ‘international’. Following an introduction, the paper examines distinct stances toward robots that emerged in the West and Japan, respectively, during the aftermath of the Second World War, reflecting history and popular culture, socio-economic conditions, and religious worldviews. It shows how international ethics guidelines reflect these disparate stances, drawing on a 2019 scoping review that examined 84 international AI ethics documents. These documents are heavily skewed toward precautionary values associated with the West and cite the optimistic values associated with Japan less frequently. Drawing insights from Japan’s so-called ‘moonshot goals’, the paper fleshes out Japanese values in greater detail and shows how to incorporate them more effectively in international ethics guidelines for AI and robotics.

William Bain sustains his audacious claim to write a landmark in international relations thought. His view that the medieval theological debate between imposed order and immanent order structures contemporary thought about international order is largely compelling, especially in light of his demonstration that certain thinkers such as Hobbes and Grotius served as transmission belts, carrying this debate into modernity. He also persuasively shows that imposed order, or nominalism, dominates today's schools of international relations thought, while immanent order only whispers its dissent. I raise two questions in critical conversation. First, while Bain argues persuasively that political theology persists after Westphalia, which he seeks to debunk as a milestone in secularization, nevertheless Westphalia stands as a milestone in the marginalization of religion (though not political theology) as an influential force in politics. Second, while Bain demurs from choosing between imposed and immanent order on normative grounds, his claim that the choice is a matter of faith appears to be a choice for imposed order. Clarifying this normative question is an apposite task for this important author's next book. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Österreichische Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Societies of the East are often contrasted with those of the West in their stances toward technology. This paper explores these perceived differences in the context of international ethics guidance for artificial intelligence (AI) and robotics. Japan serves as an example of the East, while Europe and North America serve as examples of the West. The paper's principal aim is to demonstrate that Western values predominate in international ethics guidance and that Japanese values serve as a much-needed corrective. We recommend a hybrid approach that is more inclusive and truly 'international'. Following an introduction, the paper examines distinct stances toward robots that emerged in the West and Japan, respectively, during the aftermath of the Second World War, reflecting history and popular culture, socio-economic conditions, and religious worldviews. It shows how international ethics guidelines reflect these disparate stances, drawing on a 2019 scoping review that examined 84 international AI ethics documents. These documents are heavily skewed toward precautionary values associated with the West and cite the optimistic values associated with Japan less frequently. Drawing insights from Japan's so-called 'moonshot goals', the paper fleshes out Japanese values in greater detail and shows how to incorporate them more effectively in international ethics guidelines for AI and robotics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2022, the International Association of Bioethics (IAB) announced that the 17th World Congress of Bioethics would be held in Doha, Qatar. In response to ethical concerns expressed about the Qatar selection, the IAB Board of Directors developed and posted to the IAB website a response using a Q&A format. In this Letter, we (the IAB President and Vice President) address concerns about the ethics of bioethics conferencing raised in a 2023 Letter to the Editor of Bioethics by Van der Graaf et al. We do not represent the Board of Directors, and this Letter expresses solely our own views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents advantages to tackling offshore tax sheltering from a realist perspective of ethical responsibility. It analyzes the function of tax havens, identifies features of tax sheltering and explores challenges of corporate and oligarchic sheltering, geopolitics of tax havens, tax competition and threats to fiscal sovereignty and corruption norms. It discusses the political ethics of responsibility and advocates for international tax enforcement strategies to avoid tax evasion.

In an era where internationalism is on the retreat in the Western world, a modified version of Rosa Luxemburg's thinking about internationalism can serve as a useful guide for those concerned about relations between peoples in different countries. Luxemburg contributes to existing internationalist, cosmopolitan and transnational approaches by offering a unique set of answers to questions about the appropriate ethics, political project and tools to be adopted. Her ethical stance of the universal worth of all people was informed both by a deep sense of empathy and her theoretical analysis of capitalism. She believed that citizens had a duty to hold their governments accountable for foreign policy and that the world formed a single system and community. The political project was one of radical transformation and equality. European nations faced the option of transforming into more egalitarian and peaceful societies or descending into barbarism. Central to this transformation was a constant struggle against militarism and imperialism. Key tools for transformation included mass mobilisation, vibrant democratic debate and revolutionary reform of the political system. Problematic aspects of Luxemburg's internationalism that require revision include her insensitivity to the importance of national identity and Eurocentrism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the article is to conceptualize economic sanctions in terms of international power politics. Legal and economic literature study sanctions by means of legal norms analysis and their impact on economies, companies and corporations. However, this approach misses a political component, specially the one of coercion to comply with international norms or requirements of sanctions’ initiators. Usually sanctions are an instrument of economically advanced states vis a vis developing countries with fragile or vulnerable economy. The very essence of sanctions is determined by the asymmetry of international system in terms of economic capabilities. Such an asymmetry fuels a debate between those who consider sanctions as an effective and legitimate instrument (US, EU and other developed states) and those who believe that only the UN Security Council can be a legal source of sanctions, while others are illegal (supported by Russia, China and several dozens of developing countries). This debate reflects a cleavage on a more fundamental problem – the one of sovereignty and the right to interfere into sovereign affairs of states. Recognition of sanctions’ legitimacy would mean the recognition of the right to interfere into sovereign affairs of the target-states beyond the UN Charter. The article provides a reflection of this debate, stressing on different interpretations of the concept of sanctions.The article makes a distinction between the concept of sanctions and the concept of trade wars. Such disengagement is critically important for understanding sanctions as a political concept. If trade wars are conducted to maximize profits, economic sanctions are used to achieve political goals. This determines the fundamental difference in the relations between business and government: in the case of trade wars, business is the main lobbyist for decisions of state bodies, in case of sanctions, the government is the initiator, and business is forced to adapt to the current situation. In the first case, business acts as a subject, in the second - as an object.

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Keywords: quantum international relations; critical theory; international ethics EN quantum international relations critical theory international ethics 175 185 11 02/06/21 20200901 NES 200901 All research communities have questions that hang around conference panels, book reviews, and other forms of commentary; the community of quantum international relations (IR) is dogged by the question of actuality and analogy. Her intervention is thus not only a first major landmark in quantising critique as a project, but more specifically undertakes the double effort of a quantum intervention into post-critical IR and a post-critical approach to quantum thinking about IR. Part of the appeal of the question is likely because the binary framing is intuitive, but in the IR context, it is likely also due in part to Alexander Wendt's strategy in presenting his core claims of quantum IR as actuality and I not i analogy. Zanotti's quantum critique of IR (and of existing theories seeking to explain it) enrols the agency and responsibility of all actors, constituents, contextual factors, and researchers, embracing precisely the relationality and connectivity that the post-critical movement in IR theory seeks to unpack. [Extracted from the article]

My reading of quantum IR has always been in ambivalent, uncomfortable agreement, even if I could not articulate the reason for that ambivalence. This article confronts that ambivalence through reading Laura Zanotti's Ontological Entanglements - an interesting and engaging book with which I largely agree, and read ambivalently. It brings the reader along on my reading of Ontological Entanglements, engaging my ambivalence and explicitly relating the some of the book's key claims to feminist work on ontology and epistemology. It continues to explore the potential pitfalls with quantum approaches to IR through their manifestations in Ontological Entanglements. The article concludes by engaging Ontological Entanglements from the complex position of simultaneously being impressed with the work and opposed to its promulgation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This forum addresses Laura Zanotti's Ontological Entanglements, Agency, and Ethics in International Relations: Exploring the Crossroads, a landmark work for quantum International Relations (IR) that seeks to demonstrate the critical purchase of quantum thinking for exploring novel worldview. Interveners question the value added by the quantum turn in IR theory, both as it related to critical and broader debates. Zanotti's particular intervention – drawing on a wide variety of themes in social theory, peace studies, feminist theory, metatheoretical debates in IR, international organisations, international development, and beyond – is approaches from the perspective of feminist theory, affect theory, temporality, philosophy of social science, and critical theory. In the spirit of exploring the crossroads, this forum brings together different lines of thinking that intersect through Ontological Entanglements but also extend onward, opening provocative questions for future scholarship in critical quantum IR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractLaura Zanotti's Quantum Entanglements offers something unique to the burgeoning literature surrounding quantum physics, social science, and international relations. Rather than emphasizing the materiality of the science, it expressly aims its focus toward those already engaged in relationality, critical practice, and the politics of ontologies–even/especially for those not especially interested in science qua science. Zanotti's book calls for a fundamental rethink of the widespread influence of substantialism, even in the places that self-identify as rejecting it as a philosophical position. By positioning Newtonian thought as a metaphor, rather than a mimetic representation of scientific reality, Quantum Entanglements widens the applicability of quantum thinking to areas seemingly far removed from these debates. This article engages Zanotti's work by reading her insights into three different areas of IR scholarship where her ideas could be particularly useful –temporality, scholarly positionality, and the ontology of war. For each I suggest conceptual developments building on the critique of substantialism and emphasis on quantum entanglement. These developments emphasize the inextricability and ontological challenge of entanglement, as well as centering intellectual and political modesty and human/non-human relationality as ways forward for thinking international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In international governance circles it has become common to refer to gender interventions as "the gender thing." The article takes this formulation as an opportunity to interrogate what a new materialist approach, such as that formulated in Laura Zanotti's Ontological Entanglements, Agency, and Ethics in International Relations, could mean for international feminist theory and praxis. It first discusses the different ways in which gender emerges as an 'apparatus', juxtaposing Foucauldian formulations of gender as a biopolitical tool to Barad's conceptualization of an apparatus as a measuring instrument and her understanding of gender as an apparatus of bodily production. Second, the article explores Zanotti's development of the notion of intra-agential ethos and brings it into conversation with reflections on ethics and praxis in feminist IR. It critiques the erasure of languages of power from Barad's theory and the failure to attend to difference in Zanotti's notion of an intra-agential ethos. It concludes with an interpretation of what could be meant by references to "the gender thing" in international governance circles and develops connecting points between Zanotti's intra-agential ethos and international feminist praxis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In my response to the contributors to this forum on Ontological Entanglements I take a few steps down the crossroads they have explored. I reflect on the critiques they moved, on the generative potential of quantum ontological research they highlighted and sketch possible avenues for future inquiry. First, I clarify the position of Ontological Entanglements vis a vis feminist and queer theories. While my work deeply relies on this literature, its scope is different. Quantum ontological critique explores how science, as a field of truth, shapes political imaginaries, to include gender. It challenges the prevailing Newtonian substantialism of the discipline of International Relation, addresses the broader implications of scientific ontological imaginaries for the political, and proposes an ethos based on non-substantialist ontological and casual stories. Furthermore, I start exploring the generative potential of the conversations trailblazed by the contributors to this forum: the intriguing but un-easy dialogue with post-critique; and the fruitful engagement with temporality studies, affect theory and decolonial thought, in particular with regard to non-substantialist conceptualizations of time and war, radical entanglement and the ontogenetic property of practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: Quantum International Relations; Critical Theory; Affect Theory; International Ethics EN Quantum International Relations Critical Theory Affect Theory International Ethics 151 161 11 02/06/21 20200901 NES 200901 In I Ontological Entanglements i , Laura Zanotti[3] offers a thought-provoking reorientation of International Relations (IR) by thinking through the political relevance of ontological starting points, that is to say, the ways we imagine how the world is, how we fit in it, and how "things" relate to one another.[4] Zanotti not only offers us alternative conceptualisations of who we are and how we relate to the world,[5] but also investigates how these ontological starting points have a bearing on the ways we formulate political agency as well as validate ethical and political decisions. Zanotti contends that the circulation of emotions 'contribute[s] to the opening and foreclosing of possibilities of materialization of political energy'.[31] Here, it seems that Zanotti starts to perceive a theoretical affinity between Barad's framework of intra-agential agency and the study of emotions in IR. But, differently from Zanotti, Massumi theorises ethics as a mode of becoming towards affect in a state of constant dynamic change and uncertainty. This affective form of ethics as developed by Massumi might enrich and expand Zanotti's practice-oriented understanding of ethics and her understanding of how "we are of the world". [Extracted from the article]

If the legal foundation and political consensus underpinning United Nations resolutions suggests that North Korea's denuclearization can be understood as a just cause, were the means used by the United Nations also just? This essay draws on jus in bello analogies to analyze UN sanctions via standard ethical criteria of effectiveness, necessity and proportionality. It shows that UN sanctions did not fulfill the effectiveness criterion as they were never likely to result in the denuclearization of North Korea. The necessity condition was strained as the alternative instrument of diplomacy was not utilized in a sustained manner. Expanded sanctions from 2016 did not distinguish between the military and civilian economies. Stringent energy sanctions introduced in 2017 contributed significantly to a precipitous fall in agricultural production in 2018 such that the country could no longer feed about a third of the 25 million population. Post-2016 UN sanctions did not meet the proportionality criterion as they jeopardized the food security of millions of innocents. The DPRK government has primary responsibility for the welfare of its citizens but this assumption does not abrogate the responsibilities of others. Broad UN sanctions on the DPRK are neither effective nor proportionate and are, therefore, unethical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professional integrity is a fundamental principle of the International Ethics Standards Board for Accountants Code of Ethics (IESBA, in Code of ethics for professional accountants, IFAC, New York; IESBA, Code of ethics for professional accountants, IFAC, New York, 2016). This does not apply directly to members of a particular professional body, but rather member organizations from around the globe are required to adopt a code no less stringent than the principles in the IESBA Code. Hence, all professional accountants are required to possess integrity as a core ethical principle. In the USA, certified public accountants must, in addition, also adhere to the principle of client advocacy in relation to their tax clients. Despite extensive prior literature on accounting ethics, firm culture, and ethical codes, no prior research has tested whether the communication of an Integrity ethical standard actually affects practitioners' actual judgments and decisions. In this study, we use brief interventions to determine whether a prime of two ethical professional standards (Integrity; Advocacy) affects tax practitioners' recommendations to their clients. One implication for professionalism in tax practice is our finding that a brief intervention of professional standards can directly impact on practitioners' judgments. Most notably, a joint presentation of Advocacy and Integrity leads to contrasting results that depend on the order of the intervention. In sum, when the Integrity (Advocacy) standard was presented before the Advocacy (Integrity) standard, tax practitioners were significantly less (more) likely to choose a tax-favorable outcome. That is, the order of professional ethical standard intervention significantly affects tax practitioners' judgments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses an assumption pervasive in one strain of arguments in favor of stringent immigration controls. The assumption affirms that—for the case of regular admissions—to a certain extent states are permitted to prioritize the interests of their citizens and residents by issuing exclusionary immigration policies (call this the priority assumption). Using the normative methodology of applied international ethics, I suggest some broad constraints to this priority assumption that have a bearing on justifications for current practical immigration policy in Europe, North America, and beyond. I do so by redefining borders as domestic-international institutions that open up borders not only to (internal) standards of justice but also to standards of international legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article Grotius's perception of the legal relevance of consent is analysed with respect to its ongoing importance for an ethical fundament of public international law. It is argued that Grotius views the function of consent as an aspect of human law, which is limited, but also supported by what he views as the overarching framework of divine law. This can be particularly illustrated by Grotius's idea of a duty of granting consent: such duty reflects the ethical quality of individual interaction within international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problem of child labor is worse in Myanmar than nearly anywhere else in the world. Moreover, unlike in many other countries where this practice occurs, in Myanmar, child labor is conducted openly and is widely socially accepted. While one of the driving factors behind the practice is, unsurprisingly, poverty, here I will demonstrate that other reasons contribute as well. Drawing on my own field research interviews conducted in December 2017, as well as philosophical analysis, I show that these reasons include, in addition to poverty, poor quality of public education, deeply rooted, strategic injustice in the form of an unfair matriculation exam, and gender inequity in the job market. By wedding theoretical inquiry with empirical investigation, I aim to both explicate the problem and to propose potential solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethical training is a critical element of graduate education in Psychology. The importance of acculturation to the ethical guidelines of the profession cannot be minimized. Simultaneously, in North America at least, sensitivity to diversity is an important directive in our education of future clinicians. Consequently, it makes sense that understanding international Psychology ethics codes would be advantageous, to at least highlight the cultural context and relativity of ethics codes in general. Professors in Canada and the United States who teach ethics in their respective graduate schools were surveyed about their teaching of such codes and their opinions on the matter. Differences were found between Canada and the United States, although low response rates were noteworthy. The response data is examined qualitatively. Possible explanations for these findings include the possibility that teaching international ethics codes is seen as of limited importance or the use of online questionnaires is not optimal for such endeavors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the question of what it means to think of a distinctly international ethics by developing a radical reinterpretation of Waltzian neorealism from a Derridean deconstructive perspective. The core argument of the article is that Derridean deconstruction effectively explains why there is an ethics of neorealism in the first place, and why this ethics cannot be easily overcome. Underpinning this argument is a notion in Derrida's philosophy of survival as an unconditional affirmation of life, which finds an equivalent in Waltz's theory of international life in the anarchic system. On this basis, I claim that Waltz's theory is ethical, not despite its focus on the structural conditions of survival, but precisely because of it. Moreover, the article shows how this notion of ethics renders universal ethical ideals, beyond relations of violence, not only impossible, but undesirable. They are undesirable because to actually fulfil them would be to undermine the conditions that make international life possible in the first place. In this way, various attempts to theorize the meaning and implications of international ethics that hold on to the notion of ethical ideals beyond relations of violence become untenable. Instead of aspiring towards such ideals, the article concludes, international ethics should be thought of as an unconditional affirmation of the incalculable future that structures international life and inevitably exposes it to the worst forms of destruction, but also enables the making of responsible decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing number of states including Canada, Norway and Sweden have adopted gender and feminist-informed approaches to their foreign and security policies. The overarching aim of this article is to advance a theoretical framework that can enable a thoroughgoing study of these developments. Through a feminist lens, we theorise feminist foreign policy arguing that it is, to all intents and purposes, ethical and argue that existing studies of ethical foreign policy and international conduct are by and large gender-blind. We draw upon feminist International Relations (IR) theory and the ethics of care to theorise feminist foreign policy and to advance an ethical framework that builds on a relational ontology, which embraces the stories and lived experiences of women and other marginalised groups at the receiving end of foreign policy conduct. By way of conclusion, the article highlights the novel features of the emergent framework and investigates in what ways it might be useful for future analyses of feminist foreign policy. Moreover, we discuss its potential to generate new forms of theoretical insight, empirical knowledge and policy relevance for the refinement of feminist foreign policy practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the literature on international ethics, there are several situations often presented as "forced choices," that is, situations in which one cannot comply with one moral rule without violating another one. "Moral reasoning" is the process of deciding with which rule to comply, and which rule to violate. This article analyzes six such frequently posited forced choices. • Realism vs. Idealism: must a state choose either to protect its security or comply with moral rules of international relations? • Humanitarian Intervention: in cases of massive atrocities occurring within a state, must outside countries either violate the rule against interference in a state's internal affairs, or refrain from saving the lives of innocent victims? • "Right Intention" in Just-War Theory: if a just cause for going to war is not the real reason for doing so, must the state either violate the "right intention" moral requirement or refrain from going to war? • Transitional Justice: to achieve a "pacted transition" from war to peace, or from repressive dictatorship to democracy, must the demands for immunity from prosecution of those guilty of atrocities be granted? • Terrorist Tactics: if people suffering under severe oppression have no means other than terrorist tactics to oppose the oppression, must they either break the moral rule against using terrorism or submit to continued oppression? • Order "versus" Justice: must a society sometimes choose between them? The article concludes that it is not possible to construct a framework to determine which conflicting rules should always be given priority. Decision-makers must fall back on their own judgement, case by case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does Trumpism spell the end of ethics and morality in international affairs? This essay argues that it does not. One should not see the crisis of the Liberal International Order as the end of international ethics but rather as an opportunity to reaffirm, redefine, and broaden it. The system of universal morality associated with the liberal order (also known as liberal hegemony) was underpinned by the power and interest of the leading Western nations and gave scant recognition to the ethical and moral claims and contributions of other cultures and civilizations. This structure needs to change. While the discourse on the "clash of civilizations" persists and the leaders of some emerging powers are engaging in civilizational nationalism, the world should and can develop a more universal system of ethics, through dialogue among different civilizations and traditions. Without such an effort, merely lamenting the decline of US global hegemony and, more generally, of Western dominance and predicting disarray, chaos, and disorder in a post-liberal world can turn out to be self-defeating and self-fulfilling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]