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Türkiye with its multifaceted soft power, it aspires to strengthen its influence throughout the surrounding countries of the Arabian Gulf. Türkiye is applying the maximum prominent cultural and educational diplomatic strategies for boosting knowledge and cooperation to preserve its impact inside the Gulf location. By establishing the Yunus Emre Institutes (YEE), the implementation of cultural and educational activities, the ties between Türkiye and the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) has been reinforced. As a result of the world's rapid change soft power has become essential in the international arena. This article significantly assesses Türkiye's soft power tasks in the GCC area and its implication on the Arabian Gulf regional dynamics. It examines Türkiye's public diplomacy initiatives in the GCC through cultural and educational diplomacies on domestic and regional attitudes.

This paper explores the impact of the Russia-Ukraine war on Russia's academic sector, relying on the limited evidence available. The invasion has triggered an academic exodus from Russia, with both immediate and far-reaching consequences. These consequences range from the interruption of ongoing research projects and the termination of international collaborations to the emergence of an intellectual void, raising concerns about the future of academic pursuits in Russia. Conventional models for understanding academic mobility, which primarily focus on professional and economic incentives, prove inadequate in accounting for the complexities introduced by geopolitical strife, international sanctions, and curtailed academic freedoms. This paper calls for an interdisciplinary approach incorporating perspectives from political science, sociology, and international relations for a richer understanding of academic migration in conflict-affected settings. The Russia-Ukraine war serves as an important case study, shedding light on the vulnerabilities of academic sectors, even in the aggressor country where the physical conflict is not occurring, and offering broader insights for the field of academic mobility.

This paper presents a comprehensive analysis of the evolution of language policy in the Philippines, with a particular emphasis on the status, challenges, and future prospects of Chinese language education within the national framework. The study is structured into five distinct sections. Firstly, the historical development of language policies in the Philippines is explored, tracing the transitions from colonial to contemporary eras and assessing their implications for language education. Secondly, an in-depth exploration of the present landscape of Chinese language education is provided, evaluating its integration into the Philippine education system and the effectiveness of existing programs. Thirdly, a critical examination of the current state of local Chinese language teacher training is conducted, analyzing the approaches used to foster a sustainable local teaching workforce. Fourthly, strategic pathways for the next decade are outlined, focusing on the localization of Chinese language education in alignment with the plans of the Philippine Department of Education and broader educational objectives. Finally, the concluding section synthesizes insights garnered from the preceding sections, reflecting on the significance of these developments for the future of Chinese language education in the Philippines. It underscores the pivotal role of Chinese language education in promoting cultural and educational exchanges and facilitating the modernization processes in both China and the Philippines. By addressing these dimensions, the paper offers a comprehensive overview of the intersection between language policy and Chinese language education in the Philippines, providing valuable insights for policymakers, educators, and researchers engaged in language education and policy planning in multilingual and multicultural contexts.

The main objective of the current study is to carry out a critical stylistic analysis of Al Jazeera's online news reports of the 2017 Gulf crisis. The study specifically examines the linguistic strategies employed by Al Jazeera newsmakers in order to effectively communicate their ideological perspectives. The research employs Jeffries's critical stylistic framework (2010) and corpus methodologies to examine a corpus obtained from Al Jazeera English, which covers the first month of the crisis. A combination of qualitative and quantitative methodologies has been employed to analyze the ideological implications embedded within the narrative of the platform, focusing specifically on the strategies of naming, describing, equating, and contrasting. The study discloses that Al Jazeera has used specific nouns and phrases to portray the measures against Qatar as deliberate, violent, unjustifiable, and retaliatory, blaming the Saudi leadership. Complex noun phrases and evaluative adjectives have been utilized to intensify this description, while nominalization conceals agency and creates skepticism. The narrative has subtly portrayed Qatar as a passive victim of negative actions, using equating strategies to criticize the Saudi leadership's policies and the blockade. Contrasting strategies have presented contradictory actions, questioned their credibility and legitimacy, and encouraged cohesion among Gulf nations.

A political discourse would comprise terminology related to economic development, social welfare, national identity, international relations, and security. The purpose of this study was to determine the function of political discourse and study its role as a mass media that shapes public opinion, and to prove through discourse that political terminology plays a key role in shaping the country's image. Through a qualitative analysis of speeches, official documents, media coverage, and public statements, a dialectical approach was adopted to enhance understanding of the role of language in shaping perceptions of nations in the contemporary global context. The data mainly comprised secondary data, speeches of political leaders, official documents and media reports. Political archives, media reports and newspaper editorials also supplemented the data about Kazakhstan and its historical evolution. The research findings identified patterns, trends, and differences in the portrayal of a country's image and the strategies used to promote or defend it. It also found the nuanced interplay between political terminology, discourse, and the construction of a country's image. The findings would contribute to a deeper understanding of the role of language in shaping perceptions of nations in the contemporary global context.

This qualitative case study examines the Education Faculty Perspectives (EFPs) of the Karakoram Public International University in Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan, on teachers' experiences of a recently introduced education reform (an Honor's Bachelor of Education program [B. Ed Hons] mandated by Pakistan's Higher Education Commission (HEC) in 2010. The B. Ed Hons has replaced the existing pre-service programs nationwide. Our analysis identified several paradoxical themes about borrowing of the B. Ed Hons: at the "talk"/rhetoric level, the program was welcomed as a transformative shift in teacher education; at the "walk"/implementation level, its practicality and sustainability became complicated; at the decolonisation level, the discourses on the colonial nature of knowledge and North-South dependency were muted. Implications for moving from borrowing external "best practices" to producing local solutions are highlighted. The analysis suggests the contextual realities and challenges should be addressed, individual and structural capacities developed, and an incremental, critical-constructive approach to both external and local ideas be pursued, and decolonization discourse included.

Scholars as exemplars and their linked eponyms play a significant role in education. Since the discovery of the periodic law in 1869, perceptions of Mendeleev and his eponyms may have shifted. With the aim of assessing the historical and current portrayal of Mendeleev and his eponyms in chemistry textbooks and on the Internet, content analysis of textbooks, including Soviet and contemporary Russian (11) and Ukrainian (16), was conducted. Additionally, an Internet search in 7 languages was conducted to assess the prevalence of Mendeleevian eponyms online. Primary Mendeleevian eponyms are predominantly utilized in the Russian segment of the Internet. While Mendeleev's portrayal held significance in mid-20th-century Soviet chemistry textbooks, his presence has dwindled in current Russian and Ukrainian textbooks. This decline is attributed to the obsolescence of associated chemical realities, the disputed priority of Mendeleev, and an ambiguous attitude towards him. The implications of this decline include loss of historical context, reduced memorization aids, impact on critical thinking, disruption of continuity, and reduced humanism in education. The research underscores the importance of a balanced and inclusive approach to science education, recognizing contributions from scientists of diverse backgrounds and perspectives, and highlights the interconnected nature of science education and international relations.

Purpose: Following globalisation, a rich literature on global citizenship education developed (Akkari & Maleq 2020; Goren & Yemini 2017). However, recent developments in international politics prompt us to ask whether global citizenship education gives young people a grasp of the international world. We argue that global citizenship education theory must be supplemented because it does not provide much guidance to help young people understand international politics properly. Design/methodology/approach: We discuss how theories of global citizenship education conceptualise international conflicts and how three theories on international politics offer supplementary conceptions and perspectives. Findings: Global citizenship education should be supplemented with theories of international politics. Research limitations/implications: Our analysis only indicates some implications for global citizenship education, and further research on the didactical implications is required. Practical implications: Global citizenship education must rely on a wider set of theories to prepare the students for understanding global issues.

States, communicating with the diasporas who have migrated to different countries and sharing cultural, religious and economic shares by helping diasporas protect themselves and aim to show that diasporas are not supported by their homeland. These shares also strengthen their relations with diasporas and their countries and positively contribute to the international image of states. For this purpose, the Turkish government also interacts with citizens living in the Turkish world and constitutes a public diplomacy before them. With new communication technologies, public diplomacy activities are being carried out through digital channels. This study combines Türksoy's diasporas in the Turkish world with digital public diplomacy.

This article examines attitudes of the Croatian final grade high school students towards the burdensome legacy of the Second World War and Croatian war for independence (1991-1995). Following the theoretical framework of memory studies, and implementing the concept of postmemory, we have developed a structural model connecting ideology and legacy of the wars. In addition, we have further modelled postmemory and its reliance on democratic values, namely political attitudes, trust in state institutions and political knowledge. Individualised predictors offered more nuanced analysis away from the binary understanding of pro-collaborationist and anti-fascist divide, in line with wider European trends and political culture(s).

This paper argues that the teaching of art in Higher Educational Institutions is inherently paradoxical. Informed by the transgressive and interdisciplinary qualities of contemporary artistic practices, education nevertheless is often made to fit into a reductionist, outcome-oriented and individualistic discourse. Taking a weeklong workshop at the Nida Art Colony in Lithuania as a practical axis for its reflections on the fluid nature of art education, the paper discusses possibilities of extending beyond pedagogical, political, human/nonhuman and other borders and treating 'noise' and other 'interferences' as opportunities for transgression and dialogue. This workshop with students from the Vilnius Academy of Arts took place in September 2022, at a time characterised by the Russia-Ukraine war. Nida's proximity to Russia's exclave Kaliningrad, its location on the narrow Curonian Spit, and its immediate environment characterised by woods and sand dunes provide this paper with a setting for a discussion about a variety of borders: territorial borders, border pedagogies, perceived borders between human and nonhuman entities, between land and sea, and so on. Borders are described as dominant indicators of power and distinction, while educational standards and instruments of measurement often replicate similar distinctions between the known and the unfamiliar. Yet, borders can also be shifted while new connections and dialogues across real and conceptual borders can be forged in a porous process that is predisposed towards flexible scenarios characterised by the 'not-yet'. The surrounding forest and wetlands and huge drifting sand dunes in Nida become analogies for the changing structure of the workshop, silently yet overpoweringly advocating for a mutable pedagogy. Analysed through the work of various contemporary artists, this nonhuman intrusion into a pedagogical and creative experience is both undefined and vulnerable, unlike the preordained structures of attainment targets often associated with contemporary schooling.

The Western-style internationalisation of Russian universities, which guided the evolution of the country's higher education sector for over three decades, has been challenged by Western sanctions following the 2022 Russian 'Special military operation in Ukraine'. The authors show through the prism of constructivist theory how the norm on the internationalisation of higher education characterised by the strive for Westernised world-class universities was adopted and then came to unravel in Russia. A qualitative case study based on 42 expert interviews and an analysis of political discourse and legal documents reveals how the key features of the internationalisation of Russian universities are being challenged. The authors contribute to the expert literature the notion of 'norm reversal', defined as the process whereby an institutionalised and internalised international norm is 'cancelled' in a specific country. The paper shows that the reversal in Russian higher education, which was initially 'circumstantial' is becoming 'intentional', with legal documents being drawn up to accelerate and claim ownership of it.

The US-led invasion in 2003 created opportunities for Iraq to establish American-style universities. Drawing on policy borrowing and educational transfer theory and using interviews as the primary method of data collection, this study examines how the American-style universities are rationalized and appropriated by various actors at national, sectoral, and institutional levels. The analysis shows that the rationales for establishing American-style universities in post-2003 Iraq differ by how each was funded and politically and financially supported. The new American-style universities in Iraq in this study represented something for both the USA and for Iraq. For the USA, they are a source of public diplomacy and soft power, and for Iraq, an instrument that promises peacebuilding, social cohesion, transition to democracy, reforming the local higher education system, legitimacy, and probably a tool to 'revolutionize' Iraq's higher education and bring back its glory.

Chinese higher education policy texts appear to suggest that training 'para-diplomats' is a goal of China's international student recruitment. However, few studies have considered the ways such policies are recontextualised and implemented at the institutional (meso-) level and become integral to students' career pathways after graduation. To address this paucity, I purposefully selected two Chinese higher education institutions (HEIs) and undertook an ethnographic study to explore their policy work of translation. Basil Bernstein's notions of classification and framing are employed here to nuance the mechanisms by which hidden messages were deliberately sent out by case-study institutions in everyday practices and processes. The findings reveal that routine aspects of university life, including visual cues, events and activities, and interactions between teachers and students, differed in their strengths of classification and framing, which either expanded or limited the range of career pathways that international students could envisage or progress to. This study offers a valuable contribution to the literature on higher education policy 'implementation studies', especially in the Chinese context, adding to our understandings about the powerful influence of the hidden curriculum on international students' career choice. The implications of China's experiences are discussed in terms of the role played by HEIs in the nexus of shaping graduates' career choice and enhancing the national soft power.

The growing importance of China as a major actor in international order has generated tremendous interest among social scientists, but scholarly debates remain in their disciplinary confines. Our study connects existing international relations research on China and the Belt and Road Initiative with two concepts in higher education studies--"knowledge power and knowledge diplomacy"--to reveal the multi-faceted approach that China applies towards its "outward-oriented" internationalization activities in the knowledge domain. By studying two instances of university alliance-building through the Belt and Road Initiative, an empirically less examined area in both international relations and higher education studies, we demonstrate how China embraces a "knowledge diplomacy" approach in the case of the University Alliance of the Silk Road and "knowledge power" in the case of the Asian Universities Alliance. We argue that the co-existence of the two approaches points to the aim of China's multi-faceted approach to its external relations in the knowledge domain. By combining alternative organizational structures and logics embodied in different university alliances, this approach presents a non-hegemonic attempt to normalize China's network centrality in an interdependent world. We conclude that China's Belt and Road Initiative university alliance-building efforts should open up a rich analytical space that encourages further exploration through a world-centered "tianxia" heuristic.

Preservice teachers are soon-to-be graduates expected to deliver the Cross-Curricular Priority 'Asia and Australia's Engagement with Asia'. Teachers of all learning areas are expected to teach about Asia, irrespective of their knowledge or capabilities in Asian contexts. The curriculum review has revised expectations for 'Asia literacy' in graduates. The changes de-emphasise cultural knowledge, and instead, promote relationship-building and intercultural understanding. This research identified 31 preservice teachers' perceptions of their Asia literacy and preparedness to teach the related curriculum initiative. Grainger and Christie's (2016) linguistic model was used to define and measure Asia literacy. Thematic analysis identified (1) how participants conceptualised 'meeting' expectations for Asia literacy, and (2) how the tertiary provider might better respond to their learning needs. Like previous research (see Australian Government, 2023; Halse & Cairns, 2018), we found that most respondents felt unqualified to teach about Asia. Participants expressed the desire for more content knowledge, authentic opportunities (such as in-country experience or language capability), and pedagogical skills. We argue that the national improvement of Asia literacy in preservice teachers is tied to its assessment. There is a need to consistently define, delimit and assess Asia literacy within a framework of cultural literacy. These theoretical considerations underlie future, systemic efforts to track and evaluate a long-term government initiative.

To establish good maritime governance, the Indonesian government must pay attention to maritime security aspects in every maritime policy and integrate maritime security education into the national education curriculum. However, implementing the World Maritime Axis concept, the Indonesian government still needs to consider the maritime security perspective as a top priority. The ultimate goal of good maritime governance development should include the strength of the Navy as the most important supporting element and the implementation of maritime security training and education for Indonesian maritime society. This study aims to analyze the efforts of the Joko Widodo (Jokowi) administration in addressing maritime security issues through the implemented maritime security training and education programs. The research method used is qualitative descriptive by using secondary data from a literature review and interpretation found in previous journal articles, with data collection techniques through literature study. The study results indicate that addressing maritime security issues requires hard and soft efforts from the government, including implementing maritime security training and education programs for Indonesian maritime society and integrating maritime security education into the national education curriculum.

As the US-China geopolitical tensions escalated, this study sought to investigate how Chinese students respond to the political circumstances when making their post-graduation plans. Drawing from interviews among 15 Chinese international students who graduated from a US university, this study found that most Chinese students did not change their post-graduation plans due to the heightened tensions between the US and China; however, they enacted agency to overcome the difficulties imposed by the geopolitical context. This study challenged the deficit view of international student research by indicating that Chinese students could adapt to a set of perspectives, transform these perspectives into actions, and leverage useful resources to protect their career and life aspirations. The study also warned the danger of the continuity of the anti-China political rhetoric and emphasized the role of higher education institutions in buffering the negative political impact and supporting Chinese and all international students.

Model United Nations (MUN) has seen dramatic growth in Morocco, both at the university and high school levels. It is a popular and effective teaching tool. This paper aims to test its utility using various methodologies. It shares the results of surveys, both historic and current, conducted at Al Akhawayn University evaluating the activity among students. It also includes interviews with MUN participants, both coaches and students, at Al Akhawayn University and elsewhere. Finally, the paper evaluates whether the tool is trans-cultural or whether it is an expansion of White space.

Background and Aim: Promoting the development of international education is an important international education trend in the world today. It has had or is having a far-reaching impact on the education of all countries in the world, whether it is formal education or non-formal education (Gu, M., 2020). The "Course Plan for Technicians in Museums and Exhibition Halls" is mentioned in the book "Classification of International Education Standards" prepared by the UNESCO Education Statistics Bureau (1998). It can be seen that as early as the initial stage of international education development, the international education undertakings responsible for education, cultural inheritance, and exchange have attracted long-term attention to the museum industry. The combination of international education and museum display education can develop the way of international education, improve the exchange channels of international education, use the intuition and authenticity of museum display education, and improve the communication channels and paths of Chinese culture, which is an important way to improve the soft power of modern countries. Materials and Methods: This study uses descriptive research methods and attribute classification methods to try to classify garden cultural relics. The descriptive research method is simple. It interprets existing phenomena, laws, and theories through its understanding and verification, raises questions in a targeted way, and reveals the drawbacks. The law of attribute classification takes the social and scientific and cultural attributes of cultural relics as the standard to classify cultural relics. That is, the classification method is based on the nature of cultural relics. Cultural relics are the relics of human social activities and have cultural attributes. Therefore, when using the attribute classification method, this study clarifies the use and deep meaning of cultural relics to accurately confirm their nature, and then carry out research. Results: The development of international education is the evolution trend of education for the world and the public. Make good use of the current museum public service facilities education platform to build good communication and communication channels, which is conducive to the development of international education. Conclusion: Based on the existing collection classification principles and characteristics, we will innovate the classification display method, make new attempts to improve the classification display education method, and build a collection classification system in line with the functional positioning, collection attributes, and development planning of the library. It is a useful attempt to combine international education with museum education and museum classification to improve the mode of museum education, implement the essence of the curriculum plan of international education development museums and exhibition halls into specific practical work, and enrich the content of museum education through new exhibition classification.

This study aims to examine the collective progress of internationalization and present a map of internationalization of the participant universities. The Turkish version of the American Council on Education's [ACE] Mapping Survey, which was adapted by the authors, was used as data collection tool. Participants consisted of 12 experts and managers of the international relations offices of 12 state universities. The results indicate that the majority of respondents believe that the level of internationalization at Turkish universities is high and internationalization is most often undertaken to enhance reputation and rankings, attract successful faculty, researchers, and students, and prepare their students for the global economy. Moreover, the participants believe that their universities are internationalizing rapidly, international student recruitment is the top internationalization activity, and the international relations office [IRO], rector, and vice-rector do their best to internationalize. Moreover, the institutional commitment of participant universities to internationalization was found to be high. They carry out internationalization practices through administrative sub-units formed according to the type of internationalization activity and declare their internationalization activities and goals in mission-vision documents or strategic plans. Their internationalization activities are internally/externally evaluated and internationalization efforts are encouraged by the senior management. Participant universities aim to increase the number of international students by setting certain goals and geographical targets, carry out their internationalization activities purposefully and include countries with shared historical and cultural heritage. Universities are expanding their cooperation and partnerships to include both Europe and the rest of the world.

To develop an English for Specific Purposes (ESP) course for learners who would like to work as international relations officers (IROs), a Target Situation Analysis (TSA) is obligatory for course developers to arrive at a conclusion regarding the English language skills that learners have to master in order to work in this professional context successfully. The present study, therefore, aims to investigate which English language skills are required for working as an IRO. Overall, 400 Thai IROs were purposively selected to participate in the study. The data collection procedures were divided into the collection of quantitative data through a questionnaire and qualitative data through semi-structured interviews. The findings revealed that listening and reading skills were most required by IROs in various working contexts. These two receptive skills are generally utilized because IROs need to gather information to build knowledge for communicating with their foreign counterparts. However, speaking and writing skills are still widely applied by IROs, as they also need to deliver key messages precisely and appropriately. The results of this study offer ESP course developers valuable insights into the English skills that should be emphasized in ESP courses for IROs.

This paper represents one of the most recent and pertinent studies conducted in Afghanistan, aiming to address the societal imperative of comprehending the factors behind the fall of the Republic government and the subsequent rise of the Taliban to power. Furthermore, the paper seeks to analyse public attitudes towards the current situation. Employing a quantitative approach, the research utilizes a descriptive-analytical method through questionnaires and the participants include social media activist, students and universities professors, the data collected by online survey according WhatsApp, Facebook messengers, telegram, email and other social media groups from different ethnic groups. The findings of this research have identified several pivotal factors contributing to the ascent of the Taliban to power, including the US-Taliban agreement in Doha, Qatar; political disparities; administrative and financial corruption within the Republic's administration; Pakistan's support for the Taliban; the previous government's accord with the Taliban; ethnic dominance; robust military morale of the Taliban; and proficient war management by the Taliban. Afghanistan, as a multi-ethnic society, witnesses political dynamics predominantly rooted in ethnic affiliations. The majority of respondents express dissatisfaction with the current Afghan situation, displaying significant concerns for the populace. Foremost concerns, in terms of prioritization, encompass poverty; closure of girls' schools; restrictions on women's education and employment; escalation of civil unrest; mono-ethnic rule; ethnic conflicts; emergence of ISIS; ethnic marginalization; violations of citizenship rights; political participation and legitimacy crises; and authoritarianism. Consequently, to address the political crisis and establish a viable system, the research concludes that while Pashtuns lean toward a centralized system, Hazaras, Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Turkmens evince greater interest in a decentralized structure.

This article maps the differences between the European Union's Framework of Human Rights and state-based legal mindsets (ideologies) of language policy and planning in education. Based on the analysis of the documents released by the European Commission, the Council of Ministers and the European Council in the course of the constituting of multilingual perspective and taking the experience of its local implementation into account, this article examines common cross-state indicators in order to compare multilingual responsibility of public education policies for refugee-background students (RBSs). It concludes that the assessment of multilingual possibilities in education was not complete and impartial on the level of the European Union and for a selected jurisdiction -- namely, Poland. Current regional legal regulations fail to equitably address the needs of RBSs, and national-based attention eliminated the question of newcomers' rights in education. Moreover, as highlighted for current policy-making in the European Union, there is a gap between current legal intention and political views produced by EU institutions -- for example, The Commission Action Plan on the Integration of Third-Country Nationals.

This article conceptualises the notion of the 'education hustle' as a case of Bourdieuian doxa and illusio. It is argued that the plethora of education reforms engaged in across the globe encompassing privatisation, corporatisation, marketisation, strong accountability, and the governance structures of the New Public Management (NPM), especially within the Anglo-American capitalist world is tantamount to an 'education hustle' where the ideas and values of a neo-liberal politico-economic framework of globalisation founded on the 'American Model' have been imposed (hustled) into fields such as education. This is about advancing an Anglo-American politico-economic primacy in an increasingly multi-polar world. I argue that an "emulative illusio" [emphasis added] is at work which co-opts nations into maintaining their interest in this policy approach to the detriment of education.

This study is among the few that attempt to connect two popular topics, the rapid growth of Chinese higher education and the shifting China-US university relations. Now both the Chinese and US higher education are among the top systems in the world--in terms of their sizes and standards. While Chinese and American university ties have been among the most important higher education relations, they now move towards decoupling. Against this backdrop, this study situates the growth of Chinese higher education and China-US university relations in the discourse of a global higher education ecosystem, and explores what China-US university relations would mean to this global ecosystem, how they may evolve, as well as the implications for the global ecosystem. This study draws on Marginson's four heuristic narratives explaining science inquiries as a global space of activity and perception, and develops an analytical lens to apply to data collected from relevant databases and literature in order to reimagine China-US university relations in the various models. Finally, this study maintains that the universities in both countries share the obligation and responsibility to work together for sustaining and nourishing this global higher education ecosystem, particularly in an Anthropocene epoch.

UNESCO's relatively high prestige across East Asia has spurred intensifying efforts by governments to use its imprimatur to legitimate official narratives of the past and visions of the future. This article focuses on China's use of UNESCO as an arena for competitive national 'branding' in the education field, especially relating to STEM and AI. We analyse the Chinese state's engagement with UNESCO's education work in the context of shifts in budgetary and political influence within the organisation, and of a growing 'securitisation' of education within China itself. We show how Chinese engagement with UNESCO's educational agenda reflects both domestic political considerations and the 'major country diplomacy' of Xi Jinping, as manifested in the 'Belt and Road Initiative' and intensifying strategic competition with the USA. We conclude by discussing the implications of rising Chinese influence within the organisation for UNESCO's capacity for articulating a coherent and consistently humanistic vision for education.

In this article I discuss an approach to teaching about the Russian war in Ukraine that uses the war as a focal point for teaching about topics in comparative politics and international relations. I discuss the pedagogical advantages for political science teaching, including meeting the interests of students, introducing students to theories in political science, and re-centering courses on the region away from Russia. I then discuss how the various political science topics and research questions are related to the war, and I conclude with a section on assignments and methods for student engagement that work well with this type of course.

In this article, I argue that critical junctures -- defined as sudden turning points in the historic trajectory of countries, institutions, and other units of analysis -- provide a propitious lens to teach the war in Ukraine. By analyzing the influence of this war on energy security in Europe and the world, its impact on public opinion on NATO membership in nonaligned countries, or the war's potential to change great power politics, to name a few examples, students of political science can determine themselves, if the war amounts to a critical juncture. In doing so, they not only learn how to apply a rather complex theory to a real-world scenario, they also learn how the discipline of political science operates.

Students entering contemporary higher education have the question of employability at the forefront of their minds, both when deciding which institution to study at and which subject to study. However, the notion of the "employability agenda" is not often welcomed by academics. Focusing on teaching and learning in the UK, this article draws on Daubney's (2022) concept of "extracted employability" to ask what students of Politics and International Relations can expect in terms of employability outcomes from their degree and how that employability value can best be communicated. Highlighting resistance from academics and students to integrating employability into a demanding curriculum, this article, referencing the 2023 QAA Subject Benchmark Statement for Politics and International Relations, offers a subject-specific employability proposal. This suggestion could enhance Politics and International Relations degrees and be incorporated into institution-wide curricula and student recruitment activities. The Subject Benchmark Statement is utilized as a common understanding of the nature and standards of study in a subject area; one that can be applied in the delivery and promotion of degrees to help answer the call for those delivering Politics and International Relations teaching and learning to be more confident in their articulation of the employability value of a degree in the field.

By the time political independence was achieved in the 1920s in Ireland, its national education system over the previous century had been underpinned by imperial ideology and values. In the early 1920s, curriculum planning was influenced by the post-revolutionary and post-war context and, unsurprisingly, placed an emphasis on building nationhood and a distinct Irish identity for the Irish Free State. Central to this curriculum planning was Rev. Professor Timothy Corcoran who acted as an external advisor to the 1922 and 1926 conferences that developed primary curriculum policy. This article explores and assesses the influence, impact and legacy of Corcoran through an analysis of his prolific writings as they related to the primary school curriculum. The analysis reveals that Corcoran's thinking, more than that of any other stakeholder in the era, was uniquely influential in determining the philosophy, content and pedagogies prevalent in primary schools in Ireland until the 1970s.

This article employs the method of prosopography to reach a deeper understanding of a group of 53 trailblazing Chinese students who were the first to enrol in American law schools between 1878 and 1911, during the waning years of the Qing era. Most of them contributed greatly to the subsequent development of China's legal and diplomatic institutions, playing instrumental roles in legal education, diplomacy, government and the judiciary. Given these accomplishments, this group of students is worthy of detailed study and research, and this article examines their characteristics, background, subsequent contributions and other key pieces of information.

This paper analyses faculty experiences tackling global knowledge asymmetries by examining the decolonisation of higher education in Africa in the aftermath of the 2015 'Rhodes Must Fall' student uprising. An overview of the literature reveals a rich debate on defining 'decolonisation', starting from a critique of Eurocentrism to propositions of alternate epistemologies. These debates are dominated by the Global North and South Africa and their experiences of curriculum reform. Our focus is on the experiences of political scientists in Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, and Zimbabwe. These countries share the same Anglophone political science traditions but represent different political trajectories that constitute a significant condition for the discipline. The 26 political scientists we interviewed acted toward increasing local content and perspectives in their teaching, as promoted in the official strategies of the universities. They noted that what was happening in lecture halls was most important. The academic decolonisation debate appeared overambitious or even as patronising to them in their own political context. National politics affected the thematic focus of the discipline both as far as research topics and students' employment opportunities were concerned. Although university bureaucracies were slow to respond to proposed curricula changes, new programmes were approved if there was a market-based demand for them. International programs tended to be approved fastest. Political economy of higher education plays a role: dependency on foreign funding, limited national resources to conduct research and produce publications vis-à-vis international competition, and national quality assurance standards appeared to be most critical constraints for decolonising the curriculum.

This paper pilots a method of testing the learning effects of a role-playing simulation of negotiations over the Nile basin. Players negotiate how to apply general principles from international law, such as sharing water equitably and avoiding significant harm, to specific circumstances of the river basin. Students are presented with a set of factual statements about the basin and surveyed before and after play as to which facts will be (were) most important in negotiations. Surveys of 75 participating graduate students show interesting patterns: (1) a shift from emphasis on managing risks to exploiting cooperative opportunities; (2) change in the value orientation of the statements students consider most important, with development-oriented values increasing and environment-oriented values decreasing; and (3) change in the dimensions of power students consider most salient, including an increased appreciation for the institutional and knowledge-related elements of power and a de-emphasis on the structural aspects of power. Before-and-after surveying offers an alternative to the more common methods of learning assessment, based on knowledge acquisition or student satisfaction, while discussion of the survey results with students allows for a richer, more reflective learning experience.

Taking the "Learning to 'tell Chinese's story well'" narrative prevalent in policies as a starting point, this article draws on data collected from a provincial university and delves into the institutional involvement and support in response to the state's international higher education policies. By foregrounding the underlying structures of power and control, I illustrate the mechanisms by which the policy was translated into and implemented through the practice of the hidden curriculum -- an integrated approach of 'listening', 'watching' and 'telling' at the meso level, where international students' aspirations were shaped (or not). This 'implementation study' offers a valuable contribution to the growing scholarship of recent policy studies, especially in the Chinese context, and thus adds to understandings about how the official discourse becomes integral to mid-level institutions' routine and everyday practices and processes. The implications of China's experiences and the direction of further study are discussed.

Given the increasing popularity of the science-fiction genre, its capacity for worldbuilding and its long-durée vision, coupled with both the difficulty of discussing issues of migration in today's world as something more than a problem of the present and the necessity to go beyond this presentism, the author argues that science-fiction films provide an excellent tool for peace education inside and outside the classroom in general and to address migration in particular. This article discusses the why and how of using science fiction films for peace education, which the author claims is not necessarily taught in the classroom or special programs but should also be seen as part of lifelong learning/continuous education.

This article reports upon roleplaying simulations used for teaching and learning subjects in the field of international relations. It is based upon five years of experience gained by the author while teaching in RUDN University in Moscow, Russia, and Webster University in Tashkent, Uzbekistan. The article aims to unravel both the value of roleplaying simulations in teaching international relations subjects, and how this practice correlates with the regional specificity of students in post-Soviet space. The main hypothesis advanced is that due to the peculiarities of traditional higher education processes in the countries of post-Soviet space, and the unique national traits of the students involved, the application of roleplaying simulations has provided additional motivation for the students. It has raised their level of immersion in their education, partially alleviating concerns about under-performance and low interest in the classroom activities among most of the students. The author argues that besides such scenario-based learning being in general a more pro-active way of learning, leading to better performance and overall facilitating competences formation process, it is specifically effective in learning environments that can be characterised as conservative and reactive, which for the most part is the case for post-Soviet space higher education.

In 2014, the Australian Government introduced the New Colombo Plan (NCP), whereby undergraduate students would become 'informal ambassadors' enhancing Australia's 'soft power' within the Asia-Pacific region. Participation by students, universities, host organisations and communities expanded rapidly before Australia's pandemic-driven closure of international borders. This hiatus has afforded a space for reflection upon the NCP, including the pivotal study tour supervisor role. Supervisors assume informal responsibilities beyond their formal roles, often in unfamiliar settings, with scarce recognition. Their assumption of responsibility is conceptualised here within a formal-informal spectrum, which underpins an evaluation of how the role might be accorded greater recognition.

Scholars have confirmed the diplomacy value and soft power influence of international alumni (IA), but the relationship between IA and knowledge diplomacy (KD) is under-researched. Meanwhile, there needs to be a change from the soft power framework to the knowledge diplomacy framework in international higher education studies to emphasise mutuality rather than dominance. This study explores the relationship and mechanism of IA and KD by document analysis of Australian governmental policies. This study examines and analyses the Australian international alumni engagement strategy and identifies it as a knowledge diplomacy approach rather than a soft power approach. This study also points out the mechanisms of IA and KD. This study informs the Australian government and other governments worldwide to better engage with their valuable IA groups.

Tibetan Buddhism has played a shifting role in the official identity discourse of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan. Established for the administration of Tibet, Mongolia, and other frontier regions in 1928, the ROC's Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission (MTAC) continued research and publication activity on Taiwan (1949-2017). A major focus of this work was Tibetan Buddhism. This article examines how MTAC portrayals of Tibetan Buddhism evolved in response to changes in the ROC's legitimating ideology and to Taiwan's shifting political and cultural context. During the martial law era (1949-1987), Tibetan Buddhism was largely portrayed as an exotic religion facing brutal Communist oppression. By the twenty-first century, the MTAC was repositioning itself as a supporter of Tibetan Buddhism within Taiwan. MTAC discourse on Tibetan Buddhism reflects both the growing detachment of ROC politics from Mainland affairs and the persistence of Orientalist views of Tibetans and their culture.

Higher education consists of a wide array of education programs, some of which closely involve both domestic politics and issues that transcend national boundaries. This paper explores a controversial and highly contested higher education program that is shaped by a post-conflict affected context and transnational politics. Based on the case study of a new Vietnamese language studies program in Cambodia, the paper demonstrates that when post-conflict education and transnational politics intersect with one another in many ways, post-war higher education reconstruction becomes a platform where stakeholders such as youths and national and international governments contest and negotiate influence and change. By critically examining the relations between educational phenomena and historical, national, and geopolitical dynamics in a post-conflict environment, the paper discusses key factors of higher education reconstruction in the aftermath of social upheavals and mass atrocities. It also offers a fresh perspective on the multifaceted dynamics of a higher education program which involves public protests, state intervention, transnational disputes, and inter-state relations.

Purpose: This research aims to contribute to History of Education Studies as well as to New Cold War Studies, by examining a Reactor Technology Specialist Engineer program, launched in Hungary three times in the 1980s for Cuban nuclear engineers, graduates of the University of Havana. Design/methodology/approach: The institutional setting, the content of the program, the teaching staff, the students, and the outcomes are studied. The factors that motivated the birth of this special program are examined, including the following areas; (1) in what ways it was different from the courses in which foreign students participated in Hungary; (2) what its strengths and weaknesses were; (3) how we can learn from this past experience and what relevance it has for the present. Findings: The analysis - carried out within the context of Cuban-Hungarian relations in the Cold War - demonstrates that these two satellite countries used the fields of science and education to widen their international possibilities and at the same time to reinforce their national interests by cooperating with each other. Originality/value: The investigation is based on archival sources, university yearbooks and journals as well as contemporary Hungarian press. Written sources were complemented by interviews with Cuban students and Hungarian teaching staff, thus providing a personal perspective, balancing official views.

Academic Literacies elucidates how undergraduate students with diverse skillsets can effectively engage with socially constructed and discipline-specific knowledge(s) "through" writing. Over the last two decades, language specialists and education researchers have developed a robust, student-focused epistemology. However, it remains unclear how lecturers understand and teach Academic Literacies in their courses. This article shifts the focus by exploring how we -- a teaching team in International Relations at a Swedish university -- translated the knowledge claims and ideological commitments of Academic Literacies into an applied pedagogy. We employ collaborative, reflective practice to investigate how we progressively integrated Academic Literacies in an introductory, bachelor's level course from 2010-2019. Specifically, we illustrate how we used formative feedback, peer assessment, and reflective journaling to teach International Relations "through" academic writing. We conclude with a discussion of the best practices and unresolved challenges of our evolving pedagogical design.

SARS-CoV-2, a global pandemic, continues to impact the planet. In response to this epidemic, lockdowns were enforced in several nations, resulting in job losses and changes to the education system. To address these challenges, the implementation of tele-education and remote work was adopted. This study's objective is to address uncertainties about the nations that conducted extensive research on remote activities during the COVID-19 pandemic and their implementation results. Additionally, the study examined research findings that highlighted the benefits of using information and communication technologies (ICTs) tools, such as greater acceptance of remote activities, and found negative effects, like the emergence of new inequalities, providing insights for the accurate implementation of these services. Lastly, the results of the analysis led to a discussion on the prevalence of studies focused on medical sciences and tele-education.

Active learning is an engaging way of teaching and even experienced professors may not know how to start implementing its techniques to make classes more dynamic. Teaching cases can be a very useful active method of instruction, as an opportunity to assign students roles in the case discussion, centering them as the protagonists of their own learning process. In other words, students will learn by doing, as they will be engaged in thinking and communicating on the topic. This paper presents a teaching case on the Brexit process to introduce central concepts of Putnam's Two-Level Game model, such as level of negotiations, chief negotiator, win-set, voluntary defection, involuntary defection, and ratification. We assessed learning with self-perception questionnaires before and after the activity. The results suggest the activity improved the understanding of all selected topics covered in class.

Purpose: This article examines the adverse impact of international economic sanctions on pedagogy. The article considers the contemporary times as a period of misinformation, false news, and untruths. Utilizing anti-hegemonic literature, international economic sanctions are viewed as neoliberalism's instrument of coercion, a Western weapon used to enforce Western values on those with different perceptions toward the free market system. Design/Approach/Methods: This article utilizes critical scholarship to unmask authoritarian neoliberalism and a scoping review of sanctioned societies. Critical analytics are deployed to interpret and make sense of the dominant educational policy framework that appears to be against diversity. Findings: Neoliberalism has caused a crisis in pedagogy. Education is under siege as academics and scientific evidence are being disregarded. The call is for pedagogues from all over the world to continue to avail evidence to power by practicing critical education. Literature is utilized to propose critical pedagogy when scientific evidence is disputed, and non-Western epistemologies are considered anachronous. Originality/Value: Linking sanctions and neoliberalism is relatively novel, as is the contribution of the same lenses to authoritarian neoliberalism. The assault on divergent epistemologies is critical, and the defense of critical scholarship is every academic's duty. The article joins conversations on the neoliberal assault on education and society.

Through the lens of paradox theory, we present and discuss the cases of two different proposals for a European public university, located in Lisbon, Portugal, to develop transnational campuses, one in China and one in Egypt. We discuss the three overarching goals of the transnational campus in our cases (funding through international cooperation, projection of soft power, and the development of human capital) and compare the structure of both proposals with particular attention to the governance and pedagogical models proposed for China and the Middle East, and shed light on the different expectations that Middle Eastern and Chinese authorities hold regarding the cooperation with European institutions in the area of higher education. We conclude that the development of transnational campus can be considered a paradoxical journey and the success of which depends on how the tensions between goals are tackled and synergies obtained -- or not. This will help in designing adequate policies and strategies in order to optimize the cooperation.

This study aimed to develop a scale to determine teacher candidates' perceptions of the European Union (EU). A descriptive survey method was used in the study, and the study group consisted of 908 teacher candidates attending the Kirsehir Ahi Evran University Faculty of Education in the fall semester of 2021-2022 academic year. The participants were selected using a convenient sampling technique. The Perception Scale of the European Union comprised 20 items and three factors: anxiety, contribution, and culture was employed as the main research tool. The Cronbach's Alpha internal consistency coefficient was calculated for the said scale as 0.746, which indicated scale reliability. Data were analyzed using percentage, frequency, mean, and standard deviation techniques. Additionally, t-test and ANOVA were performed to identify the differences between samples. The study results showed that the teacher candidates' anxiety levels for the European Union were high, and their perceptions of the "contribution" and "culture" factors were moderate. The analysis of perceptions of the EU and political literacy skills of the participants revealed a significant difference in the "contribution" factor but no significant difference in the "anxiety" and "culture" factors. According to the relationship between teachers' perceptions of the EU and their cultural literacy skills, there was a significant difference in the "culture" factor but no significant difference appeared in the "anxiety" and "contribution" factors.