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Myths—symbolically dense narratives in wide cultural circulation that resist critical scrutiny—are often thought to be counterproductive to political discourse, but they are also ubiquitous in contemporary culture and society. Just two years apart, Jürgen Habermas and Hans Blumenberg developed contrasting visions of how we ought to respond to the myths in our society. By reconstructing their disagreement, this paper uncovers the distinctive challenge of balancing a commitment to political emancipation with the opacity of myths to critical reason. I argue for an alternative approach to myths than those in the theoretical mainstream, taking Blumenberg's relatively neglected position as a starting point. Blumenberg invites us to pay closer attention to the cognitive needs that necessitate the generation of myths while simultaneously reminding us of our own creative agency to reinvent them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapid advancement of communication technologies has brought about profound transformations in the structure of modern societies. Since the late 20th century, the proliferation of the internet and digital communication tools has reshaped the ways individuals, communities, and nations interact. Today, communication increasingly occurs through digital platforms, leading to the emergence of a new public sphere and the redefinition of traditional public spaces. This paper comparatively examines the theories of Jürgen Habermas and Manuel Castells, both of whom have explored the impact of communication technologies on social dynamics. Habermas, through his theory of communicative action, analyzes the transformation of the public sphere, focusing on both the potential of communication technologies to enhance public participation and the risks of commercialization. According to Habermas, digital communication can broaden individual participation in the public sphere, but it also carries the risk of being dominated by commercial interests. Castells, on the other hand, emphasizes the power of digital networks to reshape social structures and power relations through his network society theory. Castells particularly highlights the potential for digital divides to exacerbate social inequalities and examines the impact of global communication on social structures. These two theories offer complementary and critical perspectives on the dual effects of communication technologies on democratic processes and social participation. This study aims to examine how communication technologies transform social structures through a multidimensional lens, employing theoretical and comparative analysis. While theoretical analysis provides a conceptual examination of the topic within theoretical frameworks, comparative analysis enables a detailed understanding of the similarities and differences between the two theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The guaranteed minimum income is an idea that is consonant with a social-theoretical tradition which can be traced from G. W. F. Hegel via Eduard Heimann to contemporary social thinkers like Jürgen Habermas and beyond. It is the cornerstone of an expansive theory of social policy expressive of the changes in the relationship between economy and society over the long-term, which I am referring to here as the societal rationalization of the economy. By starting with Hegel's remarks on poverty in The Philosophy of Right (1821/1958), the stage is set to examine the guaranteed minimum income as a policy project with strong constitutional implications. Like Hegel, Eduard Heimann did not address the idea of the guaranteed minimum income directly; yet, his arguably most important work, Social Theory of Capitalism: Theory of Social Policy (1929/1980), provides an excellent frame of reference for appreciating how the guaranteed minimum income exemplifies a radically reformist project of social policy that is pointing beyond inherently regressive social structures. In the writings of Ralf Dahrendorf and Claus Offe, a theory of social policy that treats the guaranteed minimum income as a constitutional right takes shape. This chapter concludes with an attempt at delineating how a guaranteed minimum income should aspire to be one important step toward the societal rationalization of the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This short essay situates The Societal Rationalization of the Economy: Guaranteed Minimum Income as a Constitutional Right by Harry F. Dahms, published in 1992 (and included in this volume), in its historical context in Germany shortly after the unification of the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) and the German Democratic Republic (East Germany). The challenge of implementing a guaranteed minimum income served as an anchor for discussing a unique opportunity to create greater consonance between the quality and effectiveness of social policies and claims about how the latter were supposed to support democratic citizenship and equality. The essay provides a brief summary of Dahms' chapter, his take on the idea of a guaranteed minimum income, and the concept of the societal rationalization of the economy between socialism and neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Artykuł dotyczy problematyki komunikacji w sferze publicznej. Materiał stanowią radiowe i telewizyjne dyskusje z lat 2004–2024, w których rozmówcy ujawniają różnice poglądów dotyczące władzy, zasobów i sankcji. Celem pracy jest wskazanie, jakie elementy komunikacyjnych kompetencji poznawczych i interakcyjnych u dziennikarzy i ich rozmówców w sposób szczególny wpływają na racjonalność dyskusji. Procedura badawcza obejmuje wyjaśnienie pojęć, takich jak sfera publiczna, debata publiczna i określenie warunków racjonalności w komunikacji publicznej, z uwzględnieniem poglądów J. Habermasa. W artykule przyjęto podmiotową, relacyjną koncepcję wartości, które są rozpoznawane na drodze refleksji. Założono, że racjonalność działania jest ważnym elementem kompetencji komunikacyjnej uczestników debaty i przejawia się m.in. w przestrzeganiu założeń wstępnych, adekwatnym rozpoznaniu sytuacji, umiejętności refleksji na temat procedur dyskusji.

In his late magnum opus, Auch eine Geschichte der Philosophie, Jürgen Habermas seeks to reconstruct what the “post-metaphysical” age lost when it abandoned metaphysics. Habermas sees a fundamental bifurcation of metaphysical thought in the eighteenth century, namely in the parting of the ways represented by David Hume and Immanuel Kant. In my paper, I will particularly focus on Habermas’s critique of Kant’s philosophy of religion. As a first step, I will present his critical conception of Kant’s practical philosophy in conjunction with his philosophy of religion, which, according to Habermas, fails in its attempt to rescue religious contents within a secular philosophy. The crucial weakness that Habermas identifies in Kant’s systematics is the demands that arise from the absolute validity of the moral law. I will then, in a second step, critically discuss this interpretation of Habermas, attempting to point out the weaknesses of his interpretation. In contrast to Habermas’s attempt, however, I am convinced that the philosophy of religion is a constitutive and plausible part of Kant’s philosophy.

Med utgangspunkt i en kritisk sammenligning av Jürgen Habermas og Martha Nussbaum drøfter jeg hvordan den politiske filosofen bør begrunne seksuelle rettigheter og hvorvidt en slik begrunnelse bør tilstrebe nøytralitet i forhold til religiøse, kulturelle eller andre kontroversielle doktriner og livsformer. På den ene siden hevder jeg at Habermas’ prosedurale rettighetsbegrunnelse lider av et moralsk underskudd som kan utfylles av Nussbaums kapabilitetsteori: seksuelle rettigheter kan ikke begrunnes indirekte som mulighetsbetingelser for demokratisk deltagelse (Habermas) fordi de angår kroppslige og svært basale kapabiliteter med direkte betydning for individets autonomi, verdighet og blomstring (Nussbaum). På den andre siden lider Nussbaums modell av et demokratisk underskudd som bør utfylles av en Habermasiansk, deliberativ tilnærming: uten en inkluderende, offentlig debatt der ulike grupper blir hørt, har politiske reguleringer av kropp og seksualitet ikke demokratisk legitimitet. Samtidig underkommuniserer både Habermas og Nussbaum at (seksuelle) rettigheter aldri er nøytrale når de iverksettes som rettsnormer i konkret lovgiving, dvs. at slike rettigheter hverken er ukontroversielle eller “like gode” for alle berørte parter. Denne skeivheten er ikke noe som kan fjernes gjennom en nok så nøytral filosofisk teori, men noe vi bør være oppmerksomme på når vi diskuterer og utformer lovgiving og politikk.

Current transformations of the public sphere are changing the perception of forms of participation in democracy by citizens. Apart from institutional forms, non-insti- tutional forms should also be noticed, which are undergoing dynamic changes. The constant tension between the trust arising from the representativeness of democracy and the need of citizens to control those in power is reflected in the needs of vigilance, notification and evaluation. The public sphere thus becomes the theatre of citizens’ actions on different planes – from participating in rallies and initiating legislative procedure to manifesting views in street protests. The proposed study deals with the distinction between institutional and non-institu- tional forms of participation by citizens in democratic processes.

The growth of the so-called "bad" civil society or "uncivil" society has turned into an increasingly problematic phenomenon in contemporary democracies, with implications both in practice and in theory that have gone so far as to jeopardize the very concept of civil society. This article is framed within a solid theory of democracy – the Habermasian theory – and draws, in particular, on one of the most widely accepted conceptualisations of civil society – that of Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato – towards identifying a way to distinguish uncivil society from civil society. To that end, this article proposes a criterion and two types of politics for classifying social movements based on the extent to which their actions contribute to either damage or strengthen the public sphere as such. This conceptual work pursues a double objective. On the one hand, it seeks to respond to the issue of how to deal with uncivil society, whether we should engage and debate with it, ignore it, or condemn it. And, on the other, it aims to identify how civil society could – in theory and in practice – continue to yield valuable elements for contemporary democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this research was to identify and rank social factors effective in transforming Iran's public libraries into social centers and develop a conceptual model. This is a mixed research conducted with a systematic grounded theory approach. Four effective community factors in transforming public libraries into community centers were identified: 1. promotion of social activities, 2. participation of public groups, 3. awareness of the community situation, and 4. promotion of community skills. By applying the theory of the public sphere, public libraries can inform people about government decisions and facilitate public debate between the government and citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There have been numerous studies on Kant's concept of the 'Fact of Reason', drawing on various intellectual resources, ranging from metaphysics to psychology, from Aristotle to Mencius, from analytic philosophy to phenomenology, and beyond. How should we evaluate these studies? Is it possible that these studies can contribute both to an understanding of Kantian philosophy and to an understanding of Western philosophy as a whole, as well as shed light on the development of philosophy after Kant and on the philosophical questions of our own era? In order to at least partially clarify the above questions, this article will draw on the work of philosohers such as Karl-Otto Apel, Jürgen Habermas, C.I. Lewis, Jin Yuelin and Feng Qi, and discuss how certain presuppositions of communicative action can be both regulative and constitutive, how the same propositions can be both empirical and a priori, how the same concepts can both describe reality and regulate it, and how the 'Fact of Reason' can be understood as the 'Fact of Learning', in order to offer a new interpretation of Kant's concept of the 'Fact of Reason'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Contributing to recent academic and public debates on how European democracies should respond to a scenario of "post-truth politics", this article explores the idea of democracy that underlies current regulatory responses in the "European Democracy Action Plan" (EDAP). It offers a conceptual analysis of the institutional narratives in the EDAP illustrating normative expectations of the public sphere and transformations of the basic concepts in the European polity. It revisits the famous Habermasian systemic view of deliberation emphasizing the interconnections of the social and institutional realms through the public sphere in democracies. We argue that previous scholarship has focused too much on the presumed loss of consensus originated from the digital transformations in the public sphere without taking into consideration other institutional changes within the EU. The analysis of the key concepts illustrates the normative expectations of specific measures and shows that there is evidence of a systemic view in the EDAP, with different modes of intervention, partially coherent with Habermas' normative expectations. We conclude that the vision of democracy in the EDAP has been developed for decades to legitimate the EU's development and initiatives, but that it also incorporates a reformulation of some concepts justified by a post-truth scenario. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to investigate the relation between human and artificial intelligence in light of the theory of communicative rationality. In the first part, Habermas's theoretical starting points are presented. Primarily, the transiti- on from a monological to a communicative form of rationality is emphasized. In the next step, the focal point is moved toward the distinction between inductive and deductive systems of AI. In relation to this, a historical examination of the first and second wave of AI research in the previous century is also presented. A thesis that interprets the transition from symbolic AI to connectionism in correlation to Habermas's transition from monological to communicative rationality is thoroughly analyzed. Towards the end of the article, another way of applying Habermas's theory to the relation between human and artificial intelligence is presented. Deriving from Habermas's criticism of liberal eugenics, a well-argumented position emerges that could help us distinguish between humans and AI in the long run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literary event "Rifbjerg's telephone novel" from 1972, in which Klaus Rifbjerg wrote a novel together with the audience, is analyzed in an article. It is noted that the book "Rifbjerg's listener novel" was commercially unsuccessful after the radio broadcast, even though the radio show was very popular. The article places the event in a literary-historical and literary-theoretical context and analyzes it in the context of Jürgen Habermas' theory of the public sphere. The thesis is put forward that the event realizes a literary public sphere in the Habermasian sense, without the audience reading. The event also opens up a perspective for literary studies in relation to the digital structural transformation of the public sphere. Keywords: Rifbjerg's listener novel; Klaus Rifbjerg; Jürgen Habermas; literary public sphere; Digital structural transformation. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of GeSec: Revista de Gestao e Secretariado is the property of Sindicato das Secretarias e Secretarios do Estado de Sao Paulo (SINSESP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is a reply to Elisabeth Korn and Jens Schröter’s essay “On a Potential Paradox of Public Service Media” which is part of tripleC’s special issue “Critical Perspectives on Digital Capitalism: Theories and Praxis”. My reflections focus on the notion of filtering, the relationship between broadcasting and the Internet; the relationship of media, technology, and society; and questions of (digital) democracy. On the one hand, there is a number of points where I agree with Korn and Schröter. On the other hand, their reflections also raised questions that I point out and that are not answered in their paper.

This study explores the concept of political moderation in Indonesia, proposing it as a crucial approach to addressing the current political polarization. As one of the world's largest democracies, Indonesia faces challenges such as political polarization, disinformation, and the risk of social disintegration, exacerbated by regional elections and the dominance of political dynasties. This research introduces the concept of political moderation as a "new foundation" to balance ideological differences and ensure social stability. By analyzing this concept through Jürgen Habermas's theory of Deliberative Democracy and Al-Shatibi's Maqashid Shariah, the study integrates rational discourse and Islamic principles to highlight the importance of moderation in building an inclusive and sustainable democracy. The study employs a qualitative research methodology, utilizing primary data from selected books, journals, and online sources, and applies descriptive-analytical analysis to examine the implications of political moderation. The findings indicate that political moderation not only prevents the escalation of conflicts but also strengthens democratic institutions by promoting dialogue, tolerance, and respect for differing opinions. Additionally, political moderation aligns with Islamic values of justice and balance, contributing to the protection of religion, life, intellect, lineage, and property, as emphasized in Maqashid Shariah. The study concludes that political moderation is essential for maintaining national unity, promoting social justice, and ensuring the long-term stability and development of democracy in Indonesia. Abstrak: Penelitian ini mengeksplorasi konsep moderasi politik di Indonesia, mengusulkannya sebagai pendekatan penting untuk mengatasi polarisasi politik yang terjadi saat ini. Sebagai salah satu demokrasi terbesar di dunia, Indonesia menghadapi tantangan seperti polarisasi politik, disinformasi, dan risiko disintegrasi sosial, yang diperburuk oleh pemilihan daerah dan dominasi dinasti politik. Penelitian ini memperkenalkan konsep moderasi politik sebagai "fondasi baru" untuk menyeimbangkan perbedaan ideologi dan memastikan stabilitas sosial. Dengan menganalisis konsep ini melalui teori Demokrasi Deliberatif Jürgen Habermas dan Maqashid Shariah Asy-Syatibi, penelitian ini mengintegrasikan diskursus rasional dan prinsip-prinsip Islam untuk menyoroti pentingnya moderasi dalam membangun demokrasi yang inklusif dan berkelanjutan. Penelitian ini menggunakan jenis penelitian kualitatif dengan memanfaatkan data primer dari buku, jurnal, dan sumber online yang dipilih, serta menerapkan analisis deskriptif-analitis untuk mengkaji implikasi moderasi politik. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa moderasi politik tidak hanya mencegah eskalasi konflik tetapi juga memperkuat institusi demokrasi dengan mempromosikan dialog, toleransi, dan penghormatan terhadap perbedaan pendapat. Selain itu, moderasi politik sejalan dengan nilai-nilai Islam tentang keadilan dan keseimbangan, yang berkontribusi pada perlindungan agama, kehidupan, akal, keturunan, dan harta benda, sebagaimana ditekankan dalam Maqashid Shariah. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa moderasi politik sangat penting untuk menjaga kesatuan nasional, mempromosikan keadilan sosial, dan memastikan stabilitas serta perkembangan jangka panjang demokrasi di Indonesia.

In this article, we argue that the current concept of the legal subject should be expanded to include narrative identity, in other words that the narrative subject of law should be recognised. With this aim in mind, we firstly (i) identify the philosophical assumptions and tools necessary to articulate the thesis of homo narrans. We find them in Martin Heidegger's work Being and time, where he made a groundbreaking contribution to twentieth-century philosophy by deconstructing the concept of the subject. Then (ii) we discuss the key theoretical-legal assumptions and tools related to the legal turn we advocate, and finally (iii) we indicate - provisionally and in broad outline - the key consequences of recognising the narrative legal subject of law in the justice system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most consequential distinction Habermas draws between Marx's and his own utopia of emancipation is that societal differentiation, in the former, is dissolved into the lifeworld, whereas in the latter it is preserved as an accomplishment of and necessary for the reproduction of modern complex societies. Despite Habermas's intention and arguments, his radical democratic utopia entails lifeworldization—in which the primacy of communicative reason is affirmed in all spheres of action as well as societal integration, which, however, can take a variety of modi operandi ranging from external influence to direct communicative coordination. This article makes a case for the lifeworldization thesis with the following arguments. First, contrary to Habermas's intention, "influence" and "countersteering," if successfully asserted, result in an ontological condition that amounts to lifeworldization. Second, Habermas's defense of differentiation and critique of dedifferentiation, which is predicated on his critique of society as a totality, is discredited by his own argument for the need of (re)integration of complexities of modern society and its necessary normative grounding. Third, the prescription of keeping the "internal logic" of steering media intact as constitutive of radical democracy is problematic both empirically and normatively. Fourth, for the functional coherence of radical democracy, "efficiency," conceived systems-theoretically, must be abandoned and, instead, be reconceived postmetaphysically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Jürgen Habermas is one of postwar Europe's leading philosophers and public intellectuals, the secondary literature often portrays him as an apolitical thinker with little interest in "real politics." This article demonstrates that from the beginning of his career Habermas was an intensely political thinker, who tried to mediate his political convictions and philosophical interests. Drawing on articles he produced as a freelance journalist before arriving at the Institute for Social Research in 1956—as well as the correspondence contained in the Habermas archives at the Goethe University in Frankfurt am Main—the article shows that Habermas sought to combine his political and philosophical interests from the start. It argues that these relatively unknown and understudied texts highlight the development of Habermas's understanding of the relationship of theory to practice and also help explain his attraction to the Frankfurt School in general, as well as to Theodor Adorno specifically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of international mindedness (IM) underscores international baccalaureate (IB) programmes and acts as a universal principle for teaching and learning. Despite its prioritisation, it is unclear how practitioners, parents, and students enact IM in schools individually and collectively. In this article, I present research highlighting the development of IM in an IB school. The research findings prioritise an international approach to education reliant on the distillation of values, the rationalisation of transparency and overcoming self-determinism. These findings are further analysed through Jürgen Habermas' (1991) theory of communicative action illustrating the breadth and depth of IM application, including its emancipatory potential. My analysis shows that while the international school community members agree with the fundamentals of the IB's frameworks, they note the challenges of IM practice influenced by the steering powers of IB corporatism. This article will interest educators, leaders and policymakers seeking penetrative interpretations of international education and critical praxis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paul Benson and Andrea C. Westlund have proposed conceptualising personal autonomy in terms of the readiness to respond to criticism that targets the agent’s actions and intentions (Benson) or commitments (Westlund). While incorporating this dialogical facet into a theory of personal autonomy is a step in the right direction, a theory of personal autonomy that is exclusively construed in terms of this facet and that posits discursive accountability as the sole criterion against which actions, choices, and commitments can be judged as autonomous or not is too restrictive and entails counterintuitive ideas. In this article, an alternative conceptualisation is proposed, one that avoids reductively construing personal autonomy exclusively in terms of the discursive and communicative facet and that conceptualises this facet in terms of communicative spaces which agents can claim authority over and in which and through which they can take ownership of claims, actions, and commitments. This alternative conceptualisation is initially formulated – by way of analogy – in terms of the normative requirement to respect the physical space of individuals. The article also outlines a set of conditions which indicate when one should claim authority over communicative spaces and the manner in which one takes ownership of claims, actions, and commitments in order to be autonomous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annual of the Faculty of Law / Godišnjak Fakulteta Pravnih Nauka is the property of Pan-European University Apeiron and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is a reply to Elisabeth Korn and Jens Schröter's essay "On a Potential Paradox of Public Service Media" which is part of tripleC's special issue "Critical Perspectives on Digital Capitalism: Theories and Praxis". My reflections focus on the notion of filtering, the relationship between broadcasting and the Internet; the relationship of media, technology, and society; and questions of (digital) democracy. On the one hand, there is a number of points where I agree with Korn and Schröter. On the other hand, their reflections also raised questions that I point out and that are not answered in their paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

В статье анализируется философско-мировоззренческое понятие «дух времени» в контексте научного диспута французского постструктуралиста Лиотара и немецких ученых — Юргена Хабермаса, Тильмана Борше, Манфреда Франка. Повествование включило обзор отдельных философских работ, которые имеют большое значение для развития художественной теории постмодерна. На примере кураторского замысла интернациональной выставки «Дух времени» («Zeitgeist», 1982, ФРГ, Берлин) выявлена идейная и образная основа «духа времени», связанного с принципами восприятия классического наследия в искусстве постмодерна. Сделана характеристика крупных произведений художников Йозефа Бойса, Зигмара Польке, Георга Базелица и др. Обоснован вывод о реконтекстуализации самого понятия «дух времени» в эпоху постмодерна. Данная работа выполнена с использованием иконографического и семиотического методов искусствоведческого анализа.

Before the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia on February 24, 2022, Vladimir Putin had hoped that Germany would stay militarily neutral, counting on Germany's politicians, who had previously expressed understanding for Russia's belligerent actions. Putin did not expect a tectonic change in Germany's foreign and defense policy initiated by the government of Olaf Scholz in response to his war on Ukraine (Zeitenwende). Meanwhile, the Kremlin borrows directly from Nazism in the theoretical justification of its actions, especially from two German scholars: Carl Schmitt and Karl Haushofer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ota Weinberger was a Czech-Austrian jurist, whose core academic work on issues of democracy was mostly published in the 1990s. In his writings, he focused primarily on legal philosophy from a positivist perspective. However, there are also significant overlaps with the field of political theory as Weinberger examined the conditions for the functioning of contemporary democracies. In this paper, some of the main features of his conception of the so-called "structured democracy" are clarified. The conception opposed several other democratic theories, especially the elitist (Schumpeterian), the majoritarian, but also the discursive one, as represented by Jürgen Habermas, with whom Weinberger fundamentally disagreed. The paper focuses on several key elements of his theory, such as the leading ideas, the role of institutions, open society, and his critique of marketing methods in politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a decolonial perspective, Habermas' theory is seen by many as Eurocentric and in philosophical alliance with colonial rule. In particular, his theory of progress is seen as offensive because it devalues non-Western ways of understanding in comparison to their modern Western counterparts. On the one hand, this is true. On the other hand, Habermas' actual concept of progress can also be used to formulate a critique of colonialist development imperatives. Moreover, his concept of "systematically distorted communication" can make an interesting contribution to understanding colonial rule: even colonial rule is communicatively mediated, with the constant risk of dissent precariously held in check by racist discourse barriers. Fanon already provides strong starting points for this communication-theoretical view of colonial rule. With him, the decolonial struggles against racist discourse barriers also come into view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Erving Goffman's social thoughts have profoundly influenced contemporary thinkers across various domains of sociology and beyond, shaping the way modern scholars approach the study of human interaction and social structures. Goffman broke away from his contemporaries who focused on macro social phenomena and explored the day-to-day aspects of social life that were not widely studied at the time and were not deemed conducive to a sociologist's career advancement. Though not a prominent methodologist or a traditional theorist, Goffman uniquely combined theory and method, focusing on previously unexplored areas of sociology. Goffman benefited from his preceding classical thinkers in sociology. Inspired by the theories of Georg Simmel, he concentrated on social forms as well as the molecular processes of social life. Goffman adopted Emile Durkheim's concept of ritual, which he used to clarify the concept of ego and the moral dimension in everyday life interactions. The theories of George Herbert Mead kindled his interest in symbolic interrelationships between people. Goffman also borrowed many ideas from existentialism's take on the absurd nature of modern life, as well as from animal behaviorism (especially the idea of developing fasonal territories). On the other hand, Goffman's theories particularly influenced many social thinkers worldwide. This pafa seeks to investigate the impact of Erving Goffman's sociological thoughts on various contemporary thinkers using the library research method. including Harold Garfinkel (ethnomethodology), Anthony Giddens (ontological security), Jürgen Habermas (communicative action theory), Nicolas Lohmann (complexities of communication, trust and social order), Pierre Bourdieu (gender studies, micro-macro links and the dynamics of symbolic violence), sociology of emotions (power dynamics, economic aspects, and internal processes of emotion management), as well as a wide range of thinkers in diverse fields who have been inspired by Goffman's thoughts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En este artículo analizo la esfera pública digital qua esfera pública, incluyendo herramientas de quien acuñó dicha noción, Jürgen Habermas, y publicó en 2022 un libro donde trata la esfera pública digital. Analizo el fenómeno de la fragmentación —aspecto que puede darse asociado a la diversidad en entornos digitales—; examino la cuestión del signo positivo o negativo de la esfera pública digital para la democracia, y propongo, como herramienta teórica en línea con la deliberación, una conceptualización de la noción de tolerancia que abreva en el trabajo de Rainer Forst, lo articula con lo anterior y lo expande.

In the postmodern era, there seems to be a pervasive decline of concept of ethics and community, leading to the devaluation of human life and moral values. The recent ethical turn in literary climate, however, has acknowledged a new version of ethics whose very quiddity needs further research. The present study aims to not only elucidate the moral codes of post-postmodern ethics, but also depict the significant role of communicative ethics, considered by the authors to be the infrastructure of the contemporary moral issues. Ergo, this article explores the theories of Habermas in two contemporary American novels in 2006, Amy M. Homes’ This Book Will Save Your Life and Philip Roth’s Everyman, so as to shed light on the resemblance of post-postmodern moral frames and Habermasian communicative ethics. Although the characters are initially illustrated in a postmodern setting with social alienation, solipsism, and instrumental actions, they undergo an ethical turn that is a manifestation of social and individual interactions, thus developing a cure and self-creation in the lives of the fractured characters. Finally, protagonists turn to be a self-satisfied and integrous people by maintaining the criteria of communicative ethics comprising the priority of well-being of others, empathy, and situational morality.

Abstract Habermas’s theory of communicative action is highly relevant as a philosophical foundation for upholding human rights, emphasizing the intrinsic value of each individual, which must not be eliminated by any power. This is supported by Article 6 paragraph (1) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, ratified as Law Number 12 of 2005. Critical theory, a school of philosophy, focuses on liberating human knowledge from transcendental and empirical oppression, critiquing ideologies that perpetuate social oppression. Human rights have become a dynamic issue in Indonesia, especially during the Presidential Election, with widespread discussions at national and international levels. Countries, organizations, and individuals are increasingly voicing concerns about human rights issues. These problems are complex, particularly in resolving and sanctioning perpetrators, leading some to view human rights as “merely theoretical.” Applying critical theory is crucial in this context, as perfected by Jürgen Habermas. This research employs normative methods, including statutory, conceptual, and case approaches. It concludes that Jürgen Habermas’s theory of communicative action and John Locke’s natural law are similar, emphasizing the inherent meaning of external rights. This grounding makes Habermas’s theory important for upholding law and human rights internationally, although its implementation remains ambiguous. Abstrak Teori kritis tindakan komunikatif Habermas sangat relevan sebagai fondasi filosofis penegakan HAM yang menekankan nilai intrinsik setiap individu, yang tidak boleh dihilangkan oleh kekuasaan mana pun, sesuai dengan Pasal 6 ayat (1) International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights yang diratifikasi menjadi Undang-Undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2005. Teori kritis adalah aliran filsafat tentang pembebasan pengetahuan manusia dari segala bentuk penindasan transendental dan empiris. Ide teori kritis adalah kritik terhadap ideologi yang bertujuan menyadarkan manusia akan penindasan sosial dan mencoba membebaskannya. Isu HAM menjadi perbincangan dinamis di Indonesia, terutama pada saat pemilihan presiden, serta di dunia internasional. Berbagai negara, organisasi, dan individu menyuarakan sudut pandang HAM yang ada. Problematika HAM sulit diselesaikan dan penerapan sanksi bagi pelaku sering dianggap “teorik belaka.” Penerapan teori tindakan komunikatif ini penting terkait HAM karena disempurnakan oleh Jürgen Habermas. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan, konseptual, dan kasus. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya kesamaan konsep antara teori kritis Jürgen Habermas dan aliran hukum kodrat John Locke, yang menekankan hak-hak lahiriah. Teori Jürgen Habermas menjadi penting untuk penegakan hukum dan HAM di dunia internasional, meskipun penerapannya masih ambigu.

The author of the study employs the perspective of Czech structural aesthetics to comment on Jürgen Habermas’s critique of Jacques Derrida’s deconstruction. Following Roman Jakobson, Habermas relies on a hierarchical model of linguistic functions and criticizes Derrida’s over-generalization of the poetic function to all types of discourses. Habermas evaluates this as Derrida’s attempt to level the boundaries and distinctions between philosophy and literature. The study points out the inadequacy of Habermas’s critique and shows that Derrida’s approach corresponds to the contamination model of functions originally proposed by Jan Mukařovský. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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One of the most successful and influential contributions to examining the intersection between society and its effect on public action is Jurgen Habermas's landmark The structural transformation of the public space (1962). But as subsequent scholars pointed out, the Habermasian definition of "public sphere" needed to be expanded beyond its original historical context. This article contributes to that ongoing expansion by arguing that a social movement in the United States, social justice feminism, created an alternative public space in the United States by 1907 to the mainstream discourse championed by patriarchal political and social leaders about the effects of the Second Industrial Revolution. The alternative social justice feminist public space differed from Habermas's original conception in three important ways: it involved a more ideological viewpoint; it encompassed a myriad of cross-class and cross-gender coalitions; and the movement embraced direct political action, promoting and passing women's labor legislation as an "entering wedge" for the eventual inclusion of all workers under state protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is much in Hortense Spillers's work to celebrate—from black feminism to literary criticism. One of her crucial contributions, however, has received little, if any, scholarly attention. Calvin Warren calls this a black discourse theory. Although we've focused on "the American Grammar Book" and its discursive violence, her proposed "solution" to this violence is virtually neglected. These remarks are intended to foreground this intervention by reconstructing her discourse theory of "the One" and "Interior Intersubjectivity." In particular Warren notes the influence of Jürgen Habermas on her discourse theory, and how both find psychoanalysis beneficial in the task of restoring speech and addressing muteness. In short, this reconstruction provides a brief overview of the theoretical infrastructure rather than an exhaustive exposition and assessment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements like BLM and Rhodes Must Fall have recently re-emphasized the need for "working through" our collective past. I argue that we must be careful to distinguish two distinct and sometimes conflicting understandings of what it means to work through the past. An "idealist" understanding which sees "working through" as a process of self-enlightenment and moral learning through uncovering and acknowledging past moral failures and incorporating them into our collective self-image. The "materialist paradigm", in contrast, understands "working through" as a process of uncovering the ways in which the structural causes of past moral catastrophe have endured into the present. It rejects idealist calls for reconciliation with the past and present and aims at the negative goal of preventing future moral catastrophe through changing tainted social structures. I argue, finally, that effective processes of working through the past have to engage in both idealist myth-building and materialist deconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]