Search

The purpose of this study was to provide an analysis of an international sporting event as a possible catalyst for social change. Because of the unique circumstances surrounding the bid process, the dual hosting of the World Cup 2002 by Korea and Japan was seen as a unique opportunity to examine the power of sport as a catalyst behind change. Longitudinal secondary data were consulted to look at the economic, social and cultural impact of the event, while interviews with respondents in both nations gave more insight on how the respondents viewed the relationship between the two nations. Economic, social and cultural indicators all reflected an impact of the World Cup on the bilateral relationship. The interviews suggested that there were two main barriers to an improved relationship between the two nations (Victim mentality of the Korean toward the Japanese, Lack of awareness of Korea in Japan), and that it was not necessarily the organization of the event that alleviated these barriers, but the performance of the Korean football team. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Located geographically in the East, but often identified with the West, Japan's role as a world power over the last century and a half remains curiously inconsistent in mainstream international relations (IR). By examining Japan's often under-appreciated role in the international history of wealth and power, we argue that this tells us more about the distorting impact on IR theory of Eurocentrism and realism than it tells us about Japan's role in world history. Symptomatic of these distortions are Japan's exclusion from or marginalization within, the first round of modernization before 1914, and the accompanying under-recognition of its role as a model and hub for Northeast Asia's capitalist development. Also occluded is Japan's key post-1945 role in both underpinning America's superpower status, and promoting the capitalist world order in Asia. Mainstream IR theory provides poor foundations for both academic and policy analysis of Japan's important world role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan is on the verge of what would be a dramatic shift in defense posture. The 'spear and shield' structure of the US–Japan alliance, at the center of its security policy for most of the postwar era, is being revamped by a move toward autonomous defense. Why would a country confined to a largely passive and Americanocentrist posture for more than half a century suddenly change course? I argue that autonomy is for Japan the only way out of an unprecedented 'entrapment-abandonment dilemma': any attempt to prevent defection by the United States in the face of an increasingly assertive China heightens to an unacceptable level the risk of Japan being dragged into a US-led conflict in the Korean Peninsula, and vice versa. Japan's ability to wield the spear would likely have destabilizing consequences for the whole Asia-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reflects on Japan's free trade strategy. It mentions Japan role in several free trade agreements (FTAs) including Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), and Japan-EU Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA). Also discussed is the gross domestic product (GDP) of the country.

The article discusses the domestic and foreign policies of Japan and its implications for the Asia-Pacific region. Japan's stable economic growth is said to be beneficial to the stability and development of the Asia-Pacific. The economic policy of Japan Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has achieved positive outcomes in promoting Japan's economic recovery and growth. The economic recovery of Europe and the U.S. has led to expansion of Japan's foreign investment returns.

The article offers information on the proposed Asia-Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC), which refers to a collaborative vision shared by India and Japan to create a growth corridor and industrial network connecting Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia, South Asia and Africa across the Indo-Pacific region. Topics discussed include the policy motivation for AACG, the possibility of the AAGC's final materialization, and the impact of AACG on China's Belt and Road Initiative.

International Relations literature is quite unfamiliar with the global phenomenon of anime and manga. This study examines Japanese soft power via approaching anime and manga as its crucial components. The article consists of three main parts. Firstly, Joseph Nye's conceptual framework of soft power is presented; then, the cultural politics of Japanese foreign policy after World War II is described. In the third part, the Cool Japan Project is mentioned as a main column of Japanese soft power. Anime and manga have a central place in this project, with their ability to produce content that is related to Japanese culture. This study aims to analyze the substantial contribution of anime and manga to Japanese soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Upon assuming the leadership for the second time in December 2012, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe called for the formation of a "democratic security diamond [DSD]" to safeguard the maritime commons stretching from the Indian Ocean region to the western Pacific with four of Asia's most prominent maritime democracies -- Australia, India, the United States and Japan -- forming the points of the diamond. The Japanese leader explicitly called on these states to join forces to oppose Chinese "coercion" and to defend peace, stability and freedom of navigation within the diamond. The rehashed quadrilateral concept raises a number of interesting issues relevant to the future security environment of the Indo-Pacific, and for Southeast Asia in particular. This article looks at Abe's idea of the DSD, why Japan has recently advocated for its formation, and why the United States, India and Australia are targeted as the potential members. The article then looks at the Abe government's greater willingness and capacity to play a meaningful strategic role in East Asia, applied to a DSD context. This is followed by an examination of Japan's interest in deepening cooperation with India and possibly seeking Indian support for the quadrilateral idea. It then assesses what role India might play and New Delhi's likely level of interest in joining such a grouping. Finally, the article argues key players in Southeast Asia will remain ambivalent about the prospect of a DSD founded on a burgeoning Japan-India bilateral relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Substantial progress toward achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) was made, but unsolved issues remain. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) succeeded the MDGs in 2015. In Japan the concept of “Human Security” has been incorporated into its foreign policy since the 1990s and is explicitly stated as the basic concept of Japan's Development Cooperation Charter issued in 2015. Also included in the Charter is Japan's “Proactive Contribution to Peace” policy and national interest, both of which are closely related to the concept of Human Security. Although not specifically identified in the SDGs, Human Security was described by the UN General Assembly as “the right of people to live in freedom and dignity, free from poverty and despair” in a 2012 resolution. Japan's long-term commitment to Human Security and experience in health and education are two areas in which the country has contributed internationally and which can be put to good use in formulating policies and programs to achieve the SDG targets. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An interview with Russian diplomat and international relations scholar Anatoly Torkunov is presented. Torkunov explores the history of diplomatic relations between Russia and Japan. He also identifies unresolved problems that compounded Russian-Japanese ties, including the prisoner of war (POW) issue and the Kuril Islands dispute.

This piece centres on the vital role intellectuals and think tanks play in us foreign policymaking. Before examining empirical data and original developments, a middle-level theoretical framework is needed to link our data and grand theories in International Relations and Foreign Policy Analysis. We focus on a 'strategic core force' troika in the us foreign policymaking system and the significant role it has played in policy transformation. It consists of three key elements--'policy architect', 'expert counsellor' and 'policy implementer'. This paper uses a case study from the Asia-Pacific, focusing on the shift of us strategy towards Japan. The post-Cold War period saw increasing uncertainty concerning Japan's role in us foreign policy and led to a critical examination and restructuring of East Asian policy. Although we focus on the 1990s, there are profound implications for current us policy towards East Asia. The policy shift in the 1990s laid the foundation for Obama's 2011 'pivot to Asia' strategy, especially as it relates to us security and military operations. It has become increasingly clear that Japan can provide concrete material support in the form of military and financial assistance and as such its importance for us East Asian policy cannot be overstated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses political and security developments during 2015 that threatened the promotion of regional autonomy and community building by the political and economic organization Association of Southeast Asian Nations ( ASEAN). These include the maritime disputes in the South China Sea, the agreement between the Philippines and Japan to boost their strategic partnership and the freedom-of-navigation operations of the U.S. on the Spratly Islands which receive opposition from China.

The European Union (EU) and Japan have held annual bilateral summits since 1991; however, little cooperation has been achieved between the two parties. The existing literature on summitry meetings fail to account for this puzzling observation. This dissertation instead argues that the symbolic aspects of summits are the driving force behind the rise and continuation of EU-Japan summits because they essentially indicate the status of the EU and Japan in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews Japan's strategic options and policy initiatives under Prime Minister Abe, taking into consideration strategic changes in the region; chiefly a rising China and a United States approaching geopolitical retreat, and the policy implications of these developments. Mr Abe's announced goal is to restore Japan to its once great power status, and thus far success is proving elusive. MAIN ARGUMENT Hurdles in Mr Abe's path include the differing perceptions between Japan and its neighbours regarding Japan's history, and the deeply entrenched nature of these differences pose a significant barrier. A related aspect is the territorial disputes. A second task is to be a “normal” nation, that is exercising greater independence in security matters and matters of economic policy, and here differences arise with Japan's main ally, the United States. Furthermore Mr Abe also needs to convince the Japanese public as well as Japan's prospective allies about his views regarding Japan's security role in the region. A third task is to increase Japan's economic weight by turning around the Japanese economy from its existing stasis to sustained, robust growth. POLICY IMPLICATIONS Mr Abe is making urgent policy efforts in all directions and the rather uneven outcome experienced thus far has not deterred him, thus creating uncertainty for Japan, and enhancing the feeling of insecurity in the region. The ostensible policy choice facing Mr Abe now is to either persist with his existing policies, hence entrenching the increasing tensions in the region, or to accept a rapidly rising China and formulate policies more accommodative of that development. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

• In this paper we examine Chinese aid allocation and contrast it to allocation patterns of the five largest DAC donors. • A common premise is that aid is guided by donors' commercial interests. We find strong support for this premise for Western donors, but not for Chinese aid. • The most important determinant of Chinese aid is the refusal of the recipient to recognize Taiwan. • We find that China allocates more aid to poorer countries, as does the UK, the US, Japan, and Germany. • Aside from Taiwan recognition, we conclude that the drivers of China's aid allocation are comparable to those of the large five DAC donors. China's involvement in African countries has been criticized for being guided by self-interest rather than recipient need or merit. For the period 2000–2012, we compare China's aid allocation behaviour to that of the five largest donor countries globally: France, Germany, Japan, the UK, and the USA. We use regression analysis and a rigorous variance decomposition method to measure the importance of various factors in predicting aid commitments. We find that donors differ markedly in how they allocate aid. While Germany, Japan, the USA, and the UK assign high importance to recipient need, France's and China's allocation models are, for a large part, driven by variables that relate to self-interest: trade in the case of France, and the adherence to the "One-China policy" in the case of China. However, China is not a purely selfish donor. As most Western donors, China commits more aid to poorer countries. Furthermore, we find no evidence that commercial interests, such as trade or access to natural resources, determine Chinese aid allocation. This latter result contrasts with Western donors, which allocate more aid to their trade partners. France and the UK also commit significantly more aid to their former colonies. In conclusion, the claim that China's aid allocation is different must be qualified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia, Japan and the USA are all facing dual pressures that require them to do more with less. Internationally, they deal with the challenge of managing China’s rapid rise. However, domestically, they must cut government spending and reduce government debt. With internal balancing effectively ruled out as a long-term solution, the three states are seeking ways to optimise external balancing, or cooperation with like-minded states. This article focuses on Australian motivations regarding the recent proposal for submarine cooperation with Japan, and places it in the context of longer trends that poise the USA, Australia and Japan for even greater trilateralism in the future. Australia’s proposal to buy submarines from Japan, should it go through, would cement Australia and Japan’s fledgling security relationship in steel and coin. For Australia, it would help it to overcome its undersea capability gap, and Japan could set a precedent to re-enter the global weapons market if all goes well. Furthermore, Australia can use defence-technology cooperation with Japan to signal to the USA the seriousness of its commitment to burden-share in pursuit of regional security and determination to politically support the USA’s ‘Pivot’ to the Asia-Pacific. However, domestic politics have begun to play an important role in Australia, with a ‘spill’ motion against Prime Minister Tony Abbott barely overcome by a backroom deal with the opposition to build the submarines domestically, and this is an important development to keep an eye on. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses Japan's military policy, defense strategy and foreign relations under Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, including the military relationship between U.S. and Japan and Abe's efforts to expand the role of Japan's Self-Defense Forces. The impact that China's foreign policy has on Abe's desire for Japan to assert more power in the region, including in regard to Abe's desire to balance China's regional hegemony, is discussed. An overview of international security cooperation between the U.S. and Japan is provided. Japan's exports of military technology are also discussed.

The author comments on the state of India-Japan relations as of May 2015. He presents a background of relations between the two countries which changed significantly following the visit made by former Japanese Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori in August 2000. He describes the successful development of diplomatic relations that cover security and economics since 2014. The author also discusses the political beliefs of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.

On their summit in May 2011, Japan and the EU decided to negotiate on a Preferential Trade Agreement (PTA). Against this background, the study at hand analyzes PTAs between the EU and third countries by estimating gravity equations on a sector basis consisting of 1-digit SITC groups. On the one hand, it concludes that-except for trade in agricultural goods-PTAs increase bilateral trade above its normal level. On the other hand, that trade between the EU and Japan is undoubtedly too low with regard to distance and size. Therefore, a free trade agreement between the EU and Japan should have a considerable potential to prompt trade-creating effects that increase welfare in both countries. A necessary condition to exploit these gains is, however, not only to abolish tariffs but, more importantly, to reduce nontariff measures to trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses relations between Japan and China in the last four months of 2014. Topics discussed include summit of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe with Chinese President Xi Jinping during Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) meeting in Beijing, China, negative public opinion about the other in both countries, and Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying emphasizing Diaoyu Islands and affiliated islands are inherent territory of China.

The article looks at political conditions in Japan after the election of Abe Shinzo as the Prime Minister. It discusses Abe's reforms in the economic, security, and diplomatic arenas and the challenges posed by rising unrest in Northeast Asia and by the advances in China. It also discusses the growth strategy implemented by Abe known as "Abenomics" and the five-year defense procurement plan. It is mentioned that the U.S. and Japan, after the election of Abe, have decided to revamp their bilateral defense cooperation, taking into account the unstable security situation in Northeast Asia.

With the Gulf War as a trigger, Japan began to make a humanitarian contribution by dispatching the Self Defense Forces to United Nations peacekeeping operations. Given Japan's strong hesitation for participation in the past, Japan's peacekeeping policy presents an intriguing challenge to examine the factors for a preference change and sustained compliance. By investigating Japan's peacekeeping policies towards East Timor and Haiti, this article examines how Japan's behavior and preferences were influenced by either internalized norms or cost/benefit calculations. While norm-driven behavior is considered to be incompatible with strategic calculated behavior, the article demonstrates that these two factors can co-exist. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In a crisis, a limited exchange of fire could escalate into a wider conflict. We have no precedent to suggest how dangerous it might become. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The victory of the Liberal Democratic party (LDP) and the Komeito party in the December 2012 elections to Japan's lower house of parliament (House of Representatives) helped stabilize that country's domestic political situation. Secure positions in parliament and high levels of public support allowed the new government of Shinzo Abe to make fundamental economic reforms that were dubbed "Abenomics." Relations within the Russia-Japan-China triangle became an important area of Abe's foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dispute between China and Japan regarding Diàoyútái is believed to be quite similar to the controversy surrounding Dokdo in terms of historical and post-war processes except for the point that the phenomena of occupation is different with regard to Dokdo. China's claim to Diàoyútái is based on historical title and continuous use while the basis of Japan's claim is summarized as preoccupancy of ownerless land. Even though Japan acknowledges that China discovered Diàoyútái, Japan claims that the act to establish sovereignty over the island from the standpoint of International Law was not taken by China. However, at that time, effective occupation was not an essential prerequisite for the acquisition of a territory. That is to say, from a legal perspective, the legal right for an area could be established based on the discovery of the land, and so it is thought that Japan is applying the current criteria of International Law in a manner that is inappropriate. When we review the post-war process, the San Francisco Peace Treaty does not directly mention Diàoyútái. But based on the said treaty, we can note that Japan gave up all rights for the southern area that is north of the boundary line that equates to latitude 29° and that includes the Ryuku Islands and Diàoyútái. Of course, the provisions for the territory in the San Francisco Peace Treaty and its disposal are not the final factor for the judgment regarding dominium of Diàoyútái. However, it seems clear that Japan's attitude and interpretation regarding the issues of Diàoyútái, the Kuril Islands and Dokdo is problematic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]