Search

This conceptual article will explain the role and position of religious entities in the debate on political studies and international relations, which were once marginalized. This situation cannot be separated from the strong dominance of secularism which provides strong legitimacy for the importance of material factors such as military power and economic-political interests in the development of global political economy. Religious factors and other identities are considered abstract and do not get a place in the mainstream debate. However, along with the development of the dynamics and complexity of global political economy and security, religious factors have again received great attention. By analyzing the historical roots and transformation of political studies and international relations, with a deeper emphasis in the context of Islamic religion, this article which is sourced from secondary data, lays the stronger basis for understanding the rise of Constructivism School of Thought, which finally concludes that religious entities and other identity factors have played a significant and fundamental role in determining the direction of the dynamics of socio-political, economic and international security developments.

Since the war in Gaza began, there has been a growing chorus calling for using nuclear weapons. This raises the question: Should those individuals calling for the use of nuclear weapons in Gaza be prosecuted for violating the statute of incitement to genocide under Article III of the Genocide Convention of 1948 or are these statements simply a case of free speech? Are these individuals advocating for nuclear war or inciting? Is calling for the use of nuclear weapons, the same as calling for genocide? This article will attempt to answer these questions focusing on the relationship between nuclear weapons and incitement to genocide.

It is noteworthy that as the Russia-Ukraine war enters its third year, China still maintains a firm position consistent with that of the previous year, endeavouring to promote peace talks and ceasefires. This paper employs the content analysis of 97 academic papers on the Ukraine Crisis in Chinese core journals (CSSCI) from February 22, 2022, to February 22, 2024. The research results suggest that Chinese scholars offer a multidimensional analysis of the development of the Russia-Ukraine war. The paper concludes through content analysis and comparison that Chinese scholars share the same stance on the Russia-Ukraine conflict as Chinese officials. First, Chinese scholars call for promoting the transformation of the global energy system, accelerating the development and use of new energy sources, and promoting the development of innovative capabilities to cope with the multiple crises caused by economic sanctions. Second, the Russia-Ukraine war has exacerbated multiple global security crises and traditional and non-traditional security issues, severely affected the global security system, and created a new security dilemma. Third, scholars advocate the concept of “a community with a shared future for mankind” and build a post-Russia-Ukraine war world security pattern.

The aim of this research is to evaluate the macroeconomic stability of the BRICS and to determine the potential of Serbia’s foreign trade cooperation with its members. The macroeconomic analysis is based on comparative statistical data for 2000-2022, showing that the BRICS countries, compared to the G7, have higher economic growth rates. However, the standard of living is almost six times lower. On average, inflation and unemployment in the BRICS are higher than in the G7. The BRICS have a twice lower average public debt to GDP, while the external debt ratio to GDP is six times lower than in the G7. Except for China, the BRICS countries’ exports are dominated by resources and products of low-tech processing and export of medium- and high-tech products and capital-intensive products is low. With the exception of China and Russia (with whom Serbia has concluded a Free Trade Agreement), foreign trade with the other BRICS member countries is insignificant, and Serbia has a trade deficit with them. Determining the possibilities for improving trade exchange requires a more detailed analysis of the complementarity of economies and the liberalization of trade regimes. However, geographical distance is the main obstacle.

We are witnessing the trend of relative economic and, consequently, political weakening of America and the West and a constant rise of the “rest of the world”, primarily China, whose economic growth, despite slowing down in recent years, is still three times faster than that in the EU and the US. Given that the strategies and policies of great powers, as well as of smaller countries like Serbia, depend on it, in this paper, we try to answer the question of whether the world is in the process of becoming bipolar, multipolar, or whether some form of unipolarity will persist. We start with the definition of polarity in neo-realist terms. We generally accept that after the end of the Cold War, there was a moment of unipolar US dominance, coupled with its hegemony, but this moment has largely passed. However, we are faced with the situation that there has been no clear emergence of either a new bipolar or multipolar order. We cannot argue that Beijing is the other pole of power since only the US has functional alliances that carry weight economically and militarily. And, if we are witnessing the emergence of multipolarity, that is the one that is still fundamentally asymmetric in America’s favour since Washington’s actions predominantly determine the main currents of global geopolitical processes. Thus, we claim that the global order is shaped as an unbalanced multipolarity, with the caveat that the role and strength of poles are in modern times considerably less important than before due to the processes of globalisation and economic interdependency.

This research intends to provide a deeper insight into the potential of cryptocurrencies as a tool in geopolitical competition. Based on blockchain technology, cryptocurrencies could reshape the international economy and politics in a decentralised manner, challenging centralised money control, transforming trade relations, and offering alternative pathways for international financial transactions. The author employs the theoretical perspective of structural realism, which acknowledges the existence of anarchy in international relations in the absence of a central global authority, to support the main hypothesis that cryptocurrencies have the potential to exacerbate this anarchy. As these digital assets gain prominence, their impact on global trade and financial systems will likely further enhance the decentralised and anarchical characteristics of the international system. Nation-states will seek to control cryptocurrencies through legislative restrictions, regulation, and, most importantly, by creating their own central bank digital currencies (CBDCs). The analysis showed that such processes are already taking place, but states will ultimately fail to minimise the role of cryptocurrencies in geopolitical competition. Some countries have successfully avoided international pressures and sanctions through cryptocurrencies, and secret money flows open up new challenges such as money laundering, war financing, and terrorist and subversive activities.

Abstract What are the leadership development needs of so-called ‘Global South’ humanitarian professionals? The humanitarian professionalisation agenda begun in the 1990s has evolved to include short courses and accredited programmes specifically aiming to build leadership skills. This paper explores how humanitarian professionals from the Global South understand the current context of leadership development, including its barriers of access, and potential for change to be more relevant to their lives and work. Using thematic analysis of eleven key informant interviews, the paper finds three levels of consideration: global politics and inequality, personal and professional enrichment, and practical support. The findings suggest that while humanitarian leadership training can be better tailored and made available to Global South leaders at all career stages, there is a wider, more crucial need to address systemic imbalances. This paper contributes to wider discussion on localisation and inequality in the humanitarian aid sector, and more specifically contributes to the literature on how systemic factors shape the limits of both professionalisation and expansion of humanitarian education initiatives.

Pakistan has a long history of social movements, some of which have challenged the military’s domination. However, apart from a short period after 1998 nuclear weapon tests by India and Pakistan, there has been limited opposition to nuclear weapons owned by the military. This paper examines one potential factor for this near absence: the intellectual arguments deployed by the main proponents of nuclear disarmament in Pakistan over the last 25 years. The post-1998 anti-nuclear critique in Pakistan has overwhelmingly focused on challenges pertaining safety and security, command and control, geopolitical imperatives of arms races, the operational limits of delivery systems like the short-range ballistic missiles and the risk of a nuclear war. We argue that such arguments inadvertently normalize nuclear weapons. Other arguments based on geopolitics make nuclear weapons appear inevitable in an anarchic world. Highlighting the consequences of a nuclear war has limited purchase in Pakistan where nuclear weapons are seen as the ultimate defense against all large-scale wars, nuclear and conventional. The alternative, we suggest, is to engage a broader critique focussed on the many ways in which nuclear weapons are implicated in everyday social and political life.

This study examines the effect of perceived military threat on Japanese people’s opinion about Japan’s accession to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. While nuclear aversion has been historically strong and deep-rooted in Japan, we expected that people would hesitate to support the treaty when reminded of the deteriorating security environment, considering recent experimental evidence suggesting that nuclear aversion is conditional and tends to fluctuate often and that Japanese citizens tend to be apathetic towards international laws. Moreover, we examine the possibility that pressure from foreign countries and international organizations reinforces people’s support for the treaty. Our survey experiment reveals that Japanese people are less likely to support Japan’s accedence to the treaty when they are primed with security threats, although the difference is small, and that this negative effect is limited to centrist and conservative citizens. However, we find no evidence that international pressure has the power to promote people’s support for the treaty.

The successful conclusion of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) has challenged the global nuclear order, but was dependent on bypassing the nuclear weapon states (NWS) and their allies. This has led critics to dismiss its practical value for nuclear disarmament. Proponents of the ban treaty, however, hope for a “transformative political dynamic” that delegitimizes nuclear weapons and leads to NWS and their allies joining the TPNW. This article contributes both conceptually and empirically to the discussion of this “transformative political dynamic”. It deals with the role of nuclear weapons for NATO membership and the strategies for legitimizing and delegitimizing nuclear weapons. The case study on Belgium analyzes the processes of coalition building and the discursive strategies related to Belgium’s nuclear role in NATO. The study shows that the exchange of symbolic arms control and disarmament initiatives for the approval of military budgets and the acquiescence to the claimed nuclear obligations of NATO membership stands on shaky ground.

Japan, the only country to have experienced atomic bombs during wartime, is the only one among the US allies to have positively evaluated the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) at the highest political level, with Prime Minister Kishida saying that as “a very important treaty that can serve an exit as we seek to realize a world without nuclear weapons”. Yet Japan has distanced itself from the TPNW, not participating even as an observer in the TPNW’s Meeting of States Parties. This paper attempts to explain Japan’s stance toward the TPNW process, before and after the formation of the treaty, based on a hypothesis that Japan’s nuclear policy is formed by a balancing act between two factors: humanitarian and security concerns. It then attempts to chart a path forward for any possible engagement between Japan and the TPNW. It argues that a substance-over-formality approach, not sticking to the TPNW formalities but in a framework separate from the TPNW, may open a window of opportunity for cooperation. Japan can also flexibly consider security benefits in engaging with the TPNW and comprehensively calculate possible security benefits and drawbacks without a predetermined conclusion. Since the NPT may not be sustainable unless there is a significant progress in nuclear disarmament, which itself is unlikely, like it or not, the TPNW cannot be ignored indefinitely and the time may come in the not-too-distant future when Japan will eventually have to consider engagement with the TPNW.

با رویکردسنجی مقالات علمی-پژوهشی در هر رشته‌ای بر مبنای «مفهوم‌سنجی» در نهایت می‌توان ضعف و قوت در پرداختن به آن مفهوم را در قالب داده‌های عددی تعمیم‌پذیر نمایش داد و برای موضوع‌یابی پژوهش‌های آینده با رویکرد آسیب‌شناسی پژوهشی پایه‌ای از آن استفاده کرد. گروه‌ها، ائتلاف‌ها و اتحادها در روابط بین‌الملل جایگاه ویژه‌ای دارد و تعیین‌کنندۀ نحوۀ توزیع قدرت در نظام بین‌المللی است؛ بر همین اساس، و به‌دلیل اتخاذ دکترین سیاست خارجی جدی و عملگرای جمهوری اسلامی ایران مبتنی‌بر نگاه به شرق، رویکردسنجی مفاهیم مرتبط با سازمان‌هایی مانند بریکس که در این دکترین نقش ایفا می‌کند برای جامعۀ دانشگاهی روابط بین‌الملل ایران اهمیت می‌یابد. به‌همین دلیل، در 109 مقالۀ علمی-پژوهشی بررسی‌شده با رویکرد روابط بین‌الملل به‌طور اختصاصی و کامل یا به‌طور جزئی و به عنوان بخشی از مباحث به موضوع بریکس پرداخته شده است و با رویکردسنجی به «روش تحلیل محتوای مقوله‌ای» مبتنی‌بر کلیدواژه‌‌های نظری مطالعه شد. نتایج نشان می‌دهد در این حوزۀ مطالعاتی در نشریه‌های مؤسسات پژوهشی وابسته به نهادها و سازمان‌های مؤثر بر سیاستگذاری خارجی، مانند وزارت‌خارجه و مجمع تشخیص مصلحت نظام، پژوهشگران ایرانی به مقاله‌های با موضوع بریکس، نگاهی مبتنی‌بر اقتصاد سیاسی داشته‌اند و استقبال از تغییر بنیادین یا جزئی نظم و نظام بین‌الملل فعلی، تحلیل مسائل مرتبط به بریکس را شکل می‌دهد که بر اساس رویکرد چندجانبه‌گرایی و تمایل برای تبدیل‌شدن جهان تک‌قطبی به چند قطبی نگاشته شده است. در مجموع علائمی از ابتلا به «سندرم کیسینجر» نیز مشهود و لازم است در پژوهش‌های آینده آسیب‌شناسی شود.

بدترشدن روابط بین ایالات‌متحده و چین از سال 2018م، تشدید رقابت‌های راهبردی با توجه به تنش‎های ژئوپلیتیکی، همچنین گسترش اصطکاک اقتصادی بین دو کشور از مناقشات تجاری به حوزه‌های گسترده‌تری مانند فناوری و امنیت زنجیرة تأمین باعث شده است این فرضیه شکل گیرد که پکن و واشنگتن درحال زوج‎زدایی هستند. زوج‌زدایی به این معناست که وابستگی متقابل بین چین و ایالات‌متحده، طی حداقل دو دهة گذشته، در حال تضعیف‌شدن است. بااین‌حال، در این پژوهش استدلال شده است روابط دو کشور بیش‌ از آنکه در مرحلة زوج‎زدایی قرار داشته باشد، در وضعیت ریسک‎زدایی است. بر همین اساس، این سؤال اصلی مطرح می‎شود که ریسک‎زدایی در روابط چین و ایالات‌متحده به چه معناست و تشدید آن ممکن است چه تأثیری بر نظم منطقه‏ای و بین‎المللی داشته باشد. در پاسخ اولیه، این استدلال مطرح شده است: در وضعیت کنونی که جهان در حال کندشدن جهانی‌شدن قرار دارد ریسک‌زدایی در روابط چین و ایالات متحده ممکن است به انحصارگرایی و حمایتگرایی منجر شود و با افزایش تأثیرگذاری تنش‎های ژئوپلیتیکی، بلوک‌های اقتصادی دوگانه شکل بگیرد. شکل‌گیری این بلوک‏های اقتصادی نیز خود به معنای کاهش نقش هژمونی ایالات متحده یا چین است که ممکن است زمینه‌ساز نظم چندقطبی بلوک‌محور شود.

توسعة اقتصادی یکی از مفاهیم کلیدی ناشناخته در علم اقتصاد به‌شمار می‌رود. کشور روسیه از سده‌های پیشین، تفکر طی‌کردن مسیر توسعه را داشته و تحت تلاطم‌های مختلف زمانه، روندی پرسرعت یا آهسته را طی کرده است. هدف از نگارش این مقاله، روندپژوهی توسعة اقتصادی چندوجهی در فدراسیون روسیه طی 2000 تا 2022م است، با درنظرگرفتن این سؤال که با توجه به بحران‌های برونزا در دو دهة اخیر، کدام وجه از توسعة اقتصادی روسیه سرعت پیشرفت بیشتری داشته است؟ در پاسخ به این سؤال، فرضیة مطرح‌شده این است که دولت روسیه باید به‌سرعتِ توسعة اقتصادی رفاه‌محور، به‌دلیل شرایط اقتصادی‌ـ‌اجتماعی خود، بیشتر توجه کند. در این مقاله، مفهوم‌شناسی نوآورانه از توسعة اقتصادی با استفاده از روش تحلیل مؤلفة اصلی و نمودار تغییرات از سه وجه تحلیل شده است: توسعة اقتصادی انرژی‌محور، توسعة اقتصادی دانش‌محور، و توسعة اقتصادی رفاه‌محور. طبق نتایج حاصل، دو وجه انرژی و دانش در توسعة اقتصادی روسیه از سال 2000 تا 2022م روند افزایشی و وجه رفاه روند کاهشی داشته است. همچنین، بیشترین سرعت رشد ابعاد توسعة اقتصادی مربوط به وجه دانش است؛ چنانکه مقدار این وجه از 74/1 در سال 2000م به بیش از 78/5 در سال 2022م رسیده است. این جهش معنادار در وجه دانش نشان از ورود اقتصاد روسیه به توسعة دانش‌محور در طول دو دهة اخیر دارد؛ توسعه‌ای که بر پایة فناوری اطلاعات و ارتباطات پایه‌ریزی شده است و با درنوردیدن جغرافیا و زمان، موهبات توسعه را در سراسر قلمرو جغرافیایی این کشور به ارمغان می‌آورد.

نخستین ثمرۀ سال‌ها گفتگو و مباحث انتقادی در اجلاس بریکس به‌منظور اقدام و نوآوری در فضای اقتصاد سیاسی بین‌المللی تأسیس بانک توسعة جدید بود که از سال 2015م کار خود را شروع کرد. این بانک عزم آن دارد که به اقتصادهای درحال‌توسعه و نوظهور منابع مالی و مساعدت‌های فنی عرضه دارد. در این مقاله، پاسخ به این سؤال دنبال شده است: بانک توسعة جدید بر مبنای کدام عقلانیت، انگیزه‌ها و اولویت‌هایی به ایفای نقش در نظام اقتصادی‌ـ‌مالی بین‌المللی پرداخته است؟ فرضیة مقاله این است که بانک توسعة جدید بر مبنای عقلانیت نوآوری تکاملی و منبعث از قدرت اقتصادی با الگوی پویش چهار وجهیِ ظرفیت‌ـ‌حق‌ـ‌وظیفه‌ـ‌اثرگذاری به ایجاد مرجعیت و مجذوبیت پرداخته است. این الگو برای حل مشکلات جهان درحال‌توسعه، توجه به اولویت‌های مبرم و بحران‌خیز (ازجمله زیرساخت‌های اقتصادی‌ـ‌اجتماعی و آثار تغییرات اقلیمی) نقشی مساعدتر از نظم جریان اصلی (نظام بِرِتِن وودز) داراست. روش پژوهش در این مقاله بر اساس رویکرد توصیفی، تفسیری و مفهومی در نظام اقتصاد سیاسی بین‌المللی است. قدرت‌های مؤسس بریکس و بانک توسعة جدید تلاش دارند تا با عملکرد مثبت و سازندة خود در این نهادها و ساختارها، این ساختار جدید را در نظام اقتصادی‌ـ‌مالی بین‌المللی برجسته کنند و پارادایم نهادی رقابتی و مدیریتی خود را در ادارة امور بین‌المللی توسعه تثبیت کنند.

نقش بین‌المللی دلار در اقتصاد جهانی همچنان نقشی مسلط است؛ اما، این اعتقاد وجود دارد که مسائلی مانند تحولات ژئوپلیتیکی، پیشرفت فناوری و در نهایت افزایش نقش رو به رشد چین، همچون قدرتی نوظهور، ممکن است هژمونی دلار آمریکا را در جایگاه قدرت مسلط با چالش روبه‌رو کند. چین در راستای دلارزدایی، سیاست‌های مهم و متنوعی اتخاذ کرده است تا بتواند یکی از مهم‌ترین پایه‌های قدرت آمریکا را تضعیف کند. بر همین مبنا، در پژوهش حاضر، با استفاده از روش تحلیلی‌ـ‌تبیینی و با استفاده از منابع مکتوب و اینترنتی و داده‌های نهادهای مالی و بانکی در پی پاسخ به این سؤال مهم هستیم: چین در راستای دلارزدایی چه اقدام‌هایی انجام داده و تا چه اندازه تأثیرگذار بوده است؟ فرضیة مطرح‌شده این است که به‌علت سیطرة دلار بر ساختار مالی و نظام پرداخت بین‌المللی و نیز وابستگی کشورهای جهان، ازجمله خود چین، به این ساختار، اقدام‌های متنوعی که چین برای تضعیف دلار اتخاذ کرده، تاکنون هژمونی دلار را با چالشی جدی روبه‌رو نکرده است. یافته‌های این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که اگرچه سیاست دلارزدایی چین تهدیدی بالقوه برای هژمونی دلار است، تاکنون نتوانسته است تسلط ارزی آمریکا را با چالش روبه‌رو کند و به‌نظر می‌رسد نظم مبتنی‌بر دلار تا آیندة قابل‌پیش‌بینی ادامه خواهد داشت.

ایدة پیوستن اندونزی به بریکس بیش از یک دهه پیش مطرح شد. از سال 2011م، تحلیلگران، اندونزی را یکی از داوطلبان الحاق به بریکس مطرح کرده‌اند. از همان سال، اندونزی در برخی جلسات بریکس نیز شرکت کرده است. طی دو سال گذشته، موضوع پیوستن رسمی اندونزی به بریکس با حمایت کنشگرانی مانند چین احیا و مطرح شده است. با افزایش مجدد احتمال پیوستن اندونزی به بریکس در ژوییة 2023م، اندونزی دعوت به شرکت در اجلاس 2023م بریکس را پذیرفت. جوکو ویدودو، رئیس‌جمهور اندونزی، وزیر امور خارجه و سایر مقام‌های اندونزی برای شرکت در این مراسم به ژوهانسبورگ رفتند. اما اندونزی تمایل جدی برای عضویت در بریکس از خود نشان نداد. سؤالی که مطرح می‌شود این است که چرا اندونزی، به‌رغم ظرفیت‌های گستردة اقتصادی و سیاسی، در شرایط فعلی تمایلی به پیوستن به بریکس ندارد؟ فرضیه‌ای که در پاسخ به سؤال مطرح می‌شود این است که اندونزی در نظر دارد بر اساس برنامة 2045م به پنجمین اقتصاد برتر دنیا تبدیل شود و برای تحقق این هدف باید در چارچوب چندجانبه‌گرایی و پذیرش اصول و هنجارهای نظام بین‌الملل فعلی عمل کند و از ورود به سازوکارهای قطبی‌گرا اجتناب ورزد. برای بررسی این موضوع، با روش پژوهش کیفی با راهبرد استقرایی و رویکرد تبیینی، نخست روند روابط اندونزی و بریکس و ظرفیت‌های بریکس برای اندونزی بررسی شد. در ادامه، دلایل نپیوستن اندونزی به بریکس واکاوی شده است.

The “new” digital (hyper) velocity, in its complex interaction with the human factor and with social relations, preserves the original ambivalence common to any “factor” of change and to any social and cultural process. The complexity of this interaction, apart from representing an extraordinary opportunity, also evades any kind of algorithm or other artificial intelligence systems. The ambivalence and complexity that expose our limits and inadequacies, which have been socially and culturally “constructed” precisely through the teaching and training from within our educational institutions, are still incapable of taking in the ongoing change and, what is more, of providing a working translation of the widely acclaimed “paradigm shift.” Even more significantly, the “new” digital (hyper) velocity, with its baggage of ambivalence and complexity, aside from underlining our personal, organizational and social inefficiencies, truly leaves us with very little time for reflection, for thinking, and even more, for a critical analysis of what is happening, and more generally for a critical analysis of (hyper) complexity itself, as it continues to reveal the radical inadequacies of our paradigms, of our interpretative models, of our traditional cultures as well, and in particular, of our modern instruments of management and control.

The focus of this paper is income inequality and, more pointedly, its persistence throughout generations. In the spirit of Atkinson (2014, 2015) and Roemer (1998), we take a normative stand and make concrete proposals to combat the persistence of inequality. In the view presented here, those inequalities derive, to an important extent, from inequalities in opportunities, themselves arising from “abnormal” differences in human capital endowments. The proposal developed in the paper relies on financial markets to complement extant government transfer programs and open universal access to services required for the formation of human capital.

Paradigms for creating Utopias based on “Human Agency” as the sole driving force, far from actually obtaining them, are the direct cause of the Mega Crises that threaten the very survival of humans as a species. This essay seeks to show that the survival of our species requires an orientation that Humans as “Active Walkers” are but one input to a complex interactive process in multiple dimensions that causes the future to emerge.

This article is an attempt to develop a questionnaire, which presently is unavailable in the literature, so that the Volatile-Uncertain-Complex-Ambiguous (VUCA) world can be understood and relatively measured by governments, companies, and institutions. The aim is to measure the dynamics of VUCA in the framework of the economic unit (region, country, economic sector) within the framework of a unique methodological approach. Ultimately the aim is not to approach statistical theory with a new methodology, but to present relevant material to the current approaches of statistical theory with a unique survey. By utilizing the survey created in this article, the potential to analyze many divergent scenarios about “the future readiness” becomes applicable, such as: The relationship between education levels, years of experience, the age of the company and VUCA awareness, and VUCA awareness between different sectors (ICT/Industry, Banking/Industry, Industry/Service), VUCA awareness between varying scale companies (small, medium-size and large-size companies), differences in levels of VUCA awareness in the same sector of different countries, differences in levels of VUCA awareness among the institutions whether they are achieving the Sustainable Development Goals or not, etc.

The COP28 meeting in Dubai was a step forward, but the gap between what ought to be done to attain net zero emissions, and what is being done, may very well be widening. The 14 abstracts of authoritative multi-author reports collected here describe likely climate warming in the next decades (notably resulting in 26 potential Earth system tipping points), necessary transformative adaptations to mitigate warming (notably rethinking economics as if ecology mattered), an assessment of 14 potential “dead ends” leading to extinction of humanity, and a broad two-volume overview of existential risk studies.

When discussing Human Security and Democracy, especially from a Brazilian perspective but also with global implications, it becomes essential to consider the impact and influence of what is commonly called cyber activism, which has started influencing public opinion and altered the approach to electoral outcomes. Thus, in contemporary societies, analyzing the exercise of democracy necessitates considering social control and efforts to combat intentional disinformation.

The environment is not an entity external to socioeconomic activities; but it directly interacts with and suffers from their effects. Sustainable development policies are a hard task for every country and power externalities may arise at any time. The spillover effects of power externalities additionally show us society’s responsibility towards economic choices of consumption and production. The spillover effects can clarify the channels through which the power externalities affect the environment and society as well. The spillover effects of positive power externalities can introduce the economics of a new paradigm that can be seen as strategic tracks to ensure food safety and human security in terms of sustainable economic development.

What follows are notes attempting to place into context the current discussion on Human (In)Security with special attention to the case of Brazil. In this article, we will observe that insecurity has been the norm since pre-historic times. We will also observe that the uncertainties associated with this insecurity have been the engine for the development of social institutions, of technologies, and of sets of beliefs of human societies. It will also explore how this creative process engendered new sources of uncertainty and insecurity in such a way that the world, as if playing a multistage game, never ceases to encounter new challenges, eventually reaching the current situation where we face a complex of crises, some of them threatening our very existence as a species. After this exposé of human security in general, we turn our attention to peripheral countries. Inequalities among nations have prevented peripheral countries from developing civilizational tools of the same quality as those of core countries. Peripheral countries are still confronting ancient challenges such as food insecurity and vulnerability to natural disasters. To the extent that their institutions and technologies are insufficient to meet them, they face the mistrust of populations in peripheral countries. The concluding remarks present the case of Brazil as an example of this situation.

In this short article, the author will present his vision and concerns about some mega-processes that are already beginning to impact Latin America (and the World), which he believes will radically change the frame of reference for policies and development strategies in the region.

In a world grappling with escalating conflicts and deep-rooted hostilities, the concept of a Peace Offensive emerges as a timely and innovative strategy for fostering global peace and security. Grounded in the principles of mutual concessions and strategic initiatives, the Peace Offensive advocates for phased, publicized actions aimed at reducing distrust, promoting cooperation, and paving the way for sustainable peace negotiations. By drawing from historical successes and strategic frameworks such as Graduated Reciprocation in Tension Reduction (GRIT), the article explores how unilateral concessions can serve as catalysts for meaningful dialogue and peace-building efforts. Through examples spanning from the Middle East to Europe, the importance of strategic unilateral actions, building trust, and breaking the cycle of violence is highlighted. A coordinated global Peace Offensive offers a transformative approach to conflict resolution, emphasizing the significance of creating opportunities for enduring peace through innovative and inclusive efforts.

The article discusses the crucial concept of human security in the context of global challenges and multilateral efforts. It highlights the interconnectedness of sustainable development, security, and human rights, emphasizing the imperative for collaborative international actions. The evolution of human security from its origins in the 1994 UNDP Development Report to its current relevance, including the incorporation of technological security, is explored. The importance and impact of human security frameworks in addressing present threats and fostering public support for the Sustainable Development Goals are underlined, emphasizing the pivotal role of human security in shaping a more secure and sustainable future.

Today, at this pivotal tipping point, we offer this participatory framework to guide the creation of an eventual Global Constitution for benevolent Artificial General Intelligence (AGI). We present this framework as a living compass, charting an unprecedented course toward a thriving future for life on Earth. We acknowledge that AGI may hold the key to solving some of the most complex challenges of our time, if humans and intelligent machines can collaborate to enhance the conditions of life on Earth. However, in the wrong hands or solely for financial and political gain, malicious applications of AGI’s potential could lead to unthinkable harm at catastrophic scales. This participatory framework is our urgent call to the global community of key decision-makers to begin putting steps in place for collectively stewarding AGI’s potential as a global commons.* In particular, we emphasize that AGI is nearing realization and requires a radically different approach than the current focus on narrow artificial intelligence.

The efforts to evolve a comprehensive, integrated theory of social development have proved to be so difficult that many have concluded it is unattainable. On the surface, it appears that each field of social science is governed by different and often unrelated or contradictory assumptions, concepts and principles that would render a unified theory as unattainable. This article attempts neither to confirm nor deny that possibility. It seeks instead to explore a few fundamental principles that appear to be applicable to all fields of social science, social development and social evolution and to illustrate them through a variety of examples that reveal a common basis and dynamics for phenomena that are usually confined to one discipline or another. The author’s view is that if the validity and utility of these principles are affirmed, it can open the pathway for identification of dozens or even hundreds of other transdisciplinary, transcultural principles relevant to a very wide range of human experiences, as well as different fields and levels of the process of social development.

This article offers a synthesized perspective on a future-oriented process for transformational change makers, here called transformation catalysts, to catalyze systemic change through processes of connecting, cohering, and amplifying the transformational change work of multiple initiatives in numerous social-ecological contexts. Oriented towards purposeful or deliberate system change towards just, equitable, inclusive, and thriving social-ecological systems, the outlined processes of connecting, cohering, and amplifying provide a template or framework for organizing co-creative approaches. This process brings multiple, typically independent individuals and initiatives into alignment, connecting them through shared understanding of the system and determining what is already happening and who is doing what through mapping key stakeholders and their activities. Through visioning and similar processes, transformation catalysts enable different actors to align and cohere their shared aspirations and develop joint and individual action plans in what can then emerge as a self-aware and potentially more effective transformation system comprised of these actors. The amplification process involves the implementation of planned actions, both independently and in concert with others, evaluating and learning from those processes, and adapting future efforts. The latter includes developing, if appropriate, additional transformational efforts and catalysts in different parts of the system to create ongoing momentum. The example of WE All, the Wellbeing Economy Alliance, with information drawn from the website, is used to illustrate these ideas.

The article discusses the ubiquity of machines in human societies and whether machines will overcome humans. It notes that societies find order through systems of values, resource management and allocation, which are both social constructs and technological representations of their environment. Any society is inseparable from its technical systems for needs like transportation. The sustainability of current societies relies on developing knowledge across fields. Technology, economics, politics, and culture are just aspects of the same social reality. The present crises stem from the weakening of modernity, an intellectual movement that emerged in Europe in the 16th century. It overcame issues through civilizational and cultural responses. The invention of writing, printing, and now electronic digitization were major revolutions in communication. While machines substitute physical strength, human communication involves tacit knowledge, feelings and passions that algorithms cannot emulate. Therefore, the role of machines remains a problem as old as civilization.

In terms of its complexity, modern society is comparable to the intricacy of the human brain. Undoubtedly, the global leadership of a system with thousands of subsystems is a real challenge for humanity. Governance is the process of making decisions and solving national, regional and global problems where multiple factors are taken into account. They can be divided into two groups—subjective and objective. Subjective factors include ideologies, geopolitics, the competence and intelligence of the ruling elite, the role of money, public opinion and many others that are the fruit of reason. These factors are complicated by the presence of objective factors such as the level of development of society, a wide range of national interests, the state of the economy, cultural, ethnic and racial characteristics, etc. Obviously, the consideration of all these features is not within the capabilities of individual and collective intelligence. Until now, about 200 forms of government have been used for governance in different historical eras and specific conditions, but for the future society, a governing mechanism or a form of government qualitatively different from those already used is needed. This problem can be solved by a transition from ideologies to a scientifically based vision of society. To develop such a vision, it is necessary to reveal the basic laws determining the structure and functioning of society. The basic laws of governance are only a part of them.

Industrialism has produced enormous societal resources but its unequal distribution is largely responsible for widespread poverty. To make use of the societal wealth, the divorced financial, man-made, natural and human capitals have to be reintegrated, leading to more equitable global development. Such a transition is confronted with existing power structures and they must be questioned from a holistic perspective given the accelerating globalization toward a global entity. Historical experiences demonstrate that competition among nation-states and between capitals leads to the destruction of societal wealth and the emerging global entity enforces endogenous political and economic cooperation. Reducing hierarchies between financial, productive and human capital and their reintegration is bound to lead to a vigorous augmentation of human capital. Democratization within financial and productive capital will increase the productivity and creativity of human capital. As nation-states have lost influence, the development of human society rests on global democratic governance, which strongly modifies the inherited Bretton Woods Agreements and needs a Global Constitution based on human rights and democracy.

This article seeks to delineate the foreign policy priorities of the People's Republic of China (PRC) by analyzing the international visits of Chinese President Xi Jinping. It posits that the evolution of a state's foreign policy can be traced through the foreign engagements of its leaders. This is particularly pertinent for China, where presidential visits are historically significant. The article offers an overview of China's traditional diplomacy and the foreign policy activities of Xi Jinping's predecessors. It concludes that Xi Jinping continues to undertake foreign visits in alignment with the «openness» policy, similar to his predecessors. Through a detailed analysis of the frequency and destinations of Xi Jinping's international visits over his two terms, the authors present a periodization of his foreign policy priorities. A comparative analysis is conducted on the visit frequencies of Xi Jinping and his predecessor, Hu Jintao, with adjustments for the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. With Xi Jinping's re-election for a third term in 2023, this study provides insights into the nature and priorities of China's foreign policy for his current term and potential developments in the ongoing five-year political cycle. The findings indicate that from 2018 to 2023, Xi Jinping increased his visits to Southeast Asian countries, particularly Indonesia and Vietnam, while maintaining a consistent focus on Russia and the United States, akin to the approach under Jiang Zemin. The enduring partnership with Russia, spanning over two decades, corroborates the assertion that Sino-Russian relations are at their strongest in the history of bilateral ties. Data for this study were sourced from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation, and materials from the Chinavitae and China Power research projects.

This article examines a previously underexplored aspect of the Russian Civil War during its critical phase in late 1918–1919: the logistical support provided by the Entente to the White armies in the South, set against the backdrop of the final military interventions. The authors concentrate on the interactions between General A.I. Denikin's regime and the British authorities, who were the primary proponents of the Entente's intervention in Russia, as well as the conditions surrounding the involvement of the French armed forces.The research primarily draws on documents from the Russian State Military Archive, created by officers of the White armies of Southern Russia, and the National Archives of Great Britain. This comprehensive source base enables a reassessment of some long-held views in Russian historiography regarding the Entente's intervention in the Black Sea region. The study aims to delineate the scope and nature of the Entente’s support and to understand why this assistance failed to secure a victory for the White forces.Post-Soviet historiography commonly posits that the Red Army enjoyed an economic advantage in terms of weapons and ammunition supply for most of the Civil War. This article, however, reveals that the support from Entente countries was substantial and that the use of foreign weapons and equipment significantly influenced the late 1918-1919 period. Nonetheless, the critical factor, as argued by the authors, was the timing of deliveries. The peak of the Entente’s military-technical support to the Armed Forces of Southern Russia occurred after the Red Army had already fortified its positions with adequate firepower. The lengthy strategic decision-making processes of the British Cabinet, characteristic of British democratic and bureaucratic systems, resulted in delayed assistance to Denikin’s troops, ultimately undermining its effectiveness.

The «Belе and Road Initiative» (BRI), proposed by China, marked a new phase in its external openness and growing desire to influence regional and global processes. However, BRI should not be viewed solely as a Chinese blueprint for restructuring Eurasia. The broad interpretative and geographical scope set by Chinese authorities allows flexibility in adapting the initiative to specific regions and countries, which is strategic for modifying or withdrawing commitments as needed. This paper examines why BRI has not become the foundation for a Chinese concept of Eurasia despite its significant impact on regional geopolitics.Our analysis begins with a critical examination of President Xi Jinping's speech at Nazarbayev University in 2013, identifying the nuanced usage of «Eurasia» that primarily refers to the post-Soviet space rather than the entire Eurasian continent. We delve into the subsequent official documents, noting the delay and ambiguity in defining the geographical and conceptual boundaries of BRI. The 2015 document, "Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road," illustrates the initiative's extensive and vague geographical scope, indicating that China did not initially aim for a broad Eurasian strategy.By employing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), we uncover how China's official rhetoric strategically frames BRI. The analysis reveals that Chinese discourse emphasizes bilateral rather than multilateral engagements within Eurasia, reflecting a «point-to-point» rather than a networked approach. This strategic ambiguity allows China to navigate its relationships with key regional players, notably Russia and the Central Asian states, without committing to a comprehensive Eurasian integration framework.The findings highlight the cautious and adaptive nature of China's engagement with Eurasia. The shift from a regional to a global scope in BRI discourse underscores China's pragmatic approach in balancing its regional ambitions with global aspirations.

This article explores the challenges facing the modern energy market in the context of the accelerated energy transition. It concludes that neither the objectives nor the preparation for the energy transition have been aligned with the actual needs and demands of humanity. The current goals of the energy transition are ideologically driven and unrealistic, prompting countries and companies to reconsider their previously established timelines for achieving carbon neutrality, while investors are growing increasingly disillusioned with the «green» transition. Despite trillions of dollars in investments, alternative energy sources have failed to replace traditional fuels or ensure reliable energy supply. Concurrently, the demand for electricity will continue to rise with the advancement of artificial intelligence and the expansion of data processing centers.The article highlights that in Europe, the emphasis on the «green» energy transition has led to economic downturns, while in developing countries, the implementation of the energy transition has manifested as «green» neocolonialism, characterized by resource extraction. Lobbying for an accelerated energy transition represents one form of market share competition. Another form includes unlawful sanctions and technological restrictions imposed by the United States on several countries, and the use of the dollar as an economic weapon, which has compelled developing nations to embark on dedollarization processes.The article concludes that energy development must be linked to ensuring energy security, combating poverty, and addressing the interests of the majority. Therefore, hydrocarbons will continue to be a critical component of the energy sector.

Mass cinema can act as a powerful tool for influencing public opinion by appealing to shared values and collective historical memory, while simultaneously constructing and guiding these elements in alignment with policy objectives. This article explores the thesis that national cinema, as an element of a common cultural code, plays a significant role in the formation and reinforcement of collective (socio-cultural) identity. Specifically, it examines the significance of Brussels' efforts to cultivate a robust film industry as part of the European Union's strategy for constructing a collective identity.The authors test the hypothesis that cinema serves as a medium for fostering a sense of belonging and emotional connection among EU citizens. To this end, the study aims to uncover the specific mechanisms by which common historical and social narratives are conveyed through European Union cinema. The research methodology is grounded in a structuralist perspective on cinema (P. Wallen, C. Metz).The article analyzes how the EU has intensified its institutional support and promotion of European cinema, particularly in response to the «crisis of ideas» in Hollywood, which has left a void in the global film market. This analysis is contextualized within the broader sociopolitical landscape, including the rising popularity of mass cinema during the pandemic and the heightened urgency for strengthening EU collective identity amid the Ukrainian crisis and the initiation of a special military operation.The findings indicate that the EU is increasingly leveraging the film industry to disseminate narratives, ideas, and values critical for both situational objectives – such as consolidating public opinion on specific political issues (illustrated by the «militarization» of the film market in response to the 2022 military operation) – and long-term goals of fortifying the EU's collective identity. However, the long-term efficacy of cinema in shaping public opinion is constrained by its susceptibility to rapid trend shifts driven by audience preferences.

The objective of this study is to conduct a comparative analysis of how media outlets in Russia, France, and Germany reported on events during the COVID-19 pandemic. The analysis was carried out in three stages: comparing the actors of biopolitics, examining the ideologemes of biopolitics, and analyzing the spheres in which biopolitics were implemented. The theoretical and methodological framework of this study is grounded in Michel Foucault's theory of biopolitics, Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky's propaganda model, and Didier Bigo's concept of (in)securitization. Texts related to the COVID-19 pandemic were categorized into four «waves» (January 2020 – March 2022) and retrieved using the keywords «pandemic», «covid», and «coronavirus» from the archives of «Rossiyskaya Gazeta», «Kommersant», «Novaya Gazeta», «Le Figaro», «Le Monde», «Le Parisien», «Süddeutsche Zeitung», «Die Zeit», and «Die Tageszeitung». The total volume of analyzed material amounts to 67.62 million words. The results reveal that state power consistently emerges as a key subject of biopower and biopolitics across all the media studied, following Foucault's traditional framework of biopower subjects. This includes a focus on the actions and decisions of government officials and institutions. Additionally, the study found that all examined media outlets participated in promoting vaccination campaigns orchestrated by the governments of Russia, Germany, and France, indicating a widespread alignment with state-led biopolitical strategies.The analysis also shows that the insecuritization of public life during the pandemic affected various sectors including social relations, the economy, healthcare, and education. Media discourse in all three countries highlighted these areas of impact, often framing them within the broader context of public and existential security.Furthermore, the study identifies notable differences in how the media in each country portrayed biopolitical themes. In Russia, media coverage placed a strong emphasis on the central government's role, while in Germany, there was a more pronounced delineation between federal and regional authorities. In France, media outlets often focused on the personal leadership of President Emmanuel Macron. Despite these differences, there were shared themes across all three countries, such as the emphasis on the importance of vaccination and the portrayal of government measures as necessary for public safety.

The article examines the formation of Azerbaijan's energy policy and the multivector development of its fuel and energy complex. In the context of global transformations and changes in energy flow structures, the author emphasizes the balanced development of both hydrocarbon and carbon-free segments of energy. The proposed concept of sustainable energy development envisages the harmonious coexistence of traditional and renewable energy, enhancing Azerbaijan's economic stability and geopolitical influence. The significant role of the oil and gas sector, demonstrated by successful projects and substantial foreign investments, is reinforced by the active development of renewable energy sources. Azerbaijan implements large-scale projects in wind and solar energy, as well as initiatives for the production of «green» hydrogen, which contributes not only to the reduction of emissions but also to the expansion of the country's export potential. The article highlights the importance of balanced FEC development, focusing on emission minimization through the application of carbon capture and utilization (CCUS) technologies, as well as the need for infrastructure modernization to improve energy efficiency. Azerbaijan demonstrates a unique case where traditional and renewable energy do not compete but complement each other, strengthening its positions in international cooperation and within the framework of the Greater Eurasian Partnership.

Abstract This paper explores the intersection of the impacts of COVID-19 on women and girls in humanitarian settings with the necessity of incorporating female perspectives in decision-making roles within multilateral institutions delivering humanitarian aid. Women remain underrepresented in leadership positions in these multilateral institutions. However, increased female participation in leadership roles is linked to greater consideration of women’s needs in humanitarian response plans, thereby promoting gender-sensitive recovery efforts. Given COVID-19’s exacerbation of preexisting gender disparities in fragile settings, gender-responsive relief measures are crucial in humanitarian contexts. With the rising demand for humanitarian aid, prioritizing gender-sensitive and inclusive responses is essential for fostering an equitable and resilient post-COVID-19 future.

Objective/context: After the paramilitary demobilization in Colombia, Cali and Medellín—major cities with a long history of political and criminal violence—saw a decline in violence despite the continuing operation of criminal groups. Yet, while Cali remained more violent than the national average, with criminal groups displaying less ability to regulate local affairs and security, Medellín became less violent than the national average and criminal groups engaged in more intensive governance. Methodology: I compare these cities using case studies constructed through fieldwork and interviews with security officials, NGO and social leaders, and former members of groups, drawing on my long-term, ongoing research engagement in both locations. Conclusions: The contrast between these cities exemplifies varied manifestations of post-conflict criminality. I argue that this variation in criminal governance is connected to the wartime balance of power, specifically, the level of territorial control and political connections armed groups had before the demobilization. Where control and political connections of paramilitary before demobilization were high, post-conflict crime groups were more likely to engage in governance behaviors. By contrast, disputed territories during wartime were likely to experience less criminal governance. Drawing on path dependence ideas, I introduce an overlooked mechanism through which wartime orders affect criminal behavior: learning processes inside and outside criminal groups. Originality: I show that to fully understand post-conflict criminality, it is crucial to consider armed actors peripherally involved in the war but essential for territorial control, whereas to understand criminal governance, the mid-ranks of armed groups and learning processes are crucial

Objective/context: The article analyzes the tensions in the construction of official and alternative truths about the repression of pobladores during the civil-military dictatorship in Chile (1973-1990). Despite the magnitude and massiveness of the repression against this group, it has only been officially recognized in a nominal and exclusive way. Based on a socio-historical reconstruction of the place occupied by the repression toward the impoverished sectors of the city, we investigate the narratives contained in the official reports of the truth commissions and the alternative responses of civil society. Methodology: A case study based on documentary analysis of reports, press, and secondary bibliography. Conclusions: The study evidences the contentious character of settlers in the canonical narratives on political violence during the civil-military dictatorship. In this context, civil society has played a key role in the dispute over the meanings and temporalities of violence; similarly, the place of pobladores as key actors in the political dynamics of the last decades is discussed. Originality: Given the scarcity of works that focus on the representation of pobladores in building official and alternative truths, our findings highlight the gaps and debts in constructing truths about the places and subjects of violence fifty years after the coup d’état in Chile

Objective/context: The objective pursued by this research is to analyse the possible existence of a social and political fracture around the figure of former President Rafael Correa and his political legacy, the Citizen Revolution, which would act as a kind of polarizing division of Ecuadorian society: correismo/anti-correismo axis. A division that, born of politics, would have been established within society, allowing the existence of two opposing sides that feel, perceive and act in politics in a very different way. Methodology: To this end, a study has been drawn up with a quantitative methodological approach based on an analysis of the data contained in the Study of Politics and Emotions in Ecuador, March 2021 (SPEE), carried out by the EIP-USC after the first round of the 2021 presidential elections. Conclusions: The results of this first approach (descriptive and multivariate) allow us to affirm the existence of important differences between supporters and detractors of correismo, especially as regards political and emotional issues, but not so regarding sociodemographic issues. Originality: The influence that the emotional factor expressed towards the different political leaders would have in the construction of this fracture is especially relevant; providing a novel vision to the literature on the influence of Rafael Correa and his project in the Ecuadorian political system

Objective/context: This article has three objectives: to differentiate the theoretical arguments on the empty chair policy in Latin America, to analyze the process of institutional change that culminated with its implementation in Colombia, and to describe how it has been carried out between 2010 and 2024. Methodology: The methodological approach has three components: a theoretical part, a documentary component, and an empirically based analysis. The first describes the contrast between two approaches to the autonomy, control, and accountability of political parties and parliamentarians. The second reviews how these approaches are reflected in the rules on seat ownership (of parties or congresspersons/deputies), accountability, and sanctions for parties and congresspersons when they violate the law. The third consists of identifying cases of loss of seats, their analysis, and the determination of their effects. The principal sources of the study are constitutional reforms, Supreme Court rulings, and decisions of the Attorney General’s Office on convictions of congressmen. The information is complemented with journalistic reports and electoral data. Conclusions: The empty chair policy is established in two Latin American countries (Colombia and Peru). It is an effective legal norm to sanction political parties and legislators convicted for their links with criminal groups, corruption, electoral fraud, and other crimes. It has been applied in eighteen cases due to links to paramilitarism, drug trafficking, and corruption. The affected parties have decreased their electoral performance and their seats in Congress. Originality: This is the first empirical study on the subject in Colombia

Objective/context: In 2020, Ucayali was the Peruvian region with the highest loss of Amazonian forest (47,267 hectares). Measures have been taken regarding climate commitments and environmental governance, but the results continue without notoriety, and mitigation actions are limited. From a subnational approach, the article seeks to analyze the perceptions of brokers and actors involved about the implementation of forest policies in the Ucayali region. Methodology: Based on a qualitative strategy that included semi-structured interviews and a co-construction workshop to evidence the perceptions of the actors involved, with direct knowledge of the territory and implementation, and intermediary agents (brokers), the latter with the capacity to influence the decisions made regarding the formulation of action plans. Conclusions: The results demonstrate the existence of a structural difficulty in achieving short- or long-term change actions. There are institutional limitations but also a lack of support from civil society. Originality: Considering the type and limited number of studies on perceptions of climate change-oriented policies, the results obtained allow for generating relevant evidence for policy formulation processes and articulation between different levels of government

Objective/context: To learn about the contributions of women of the organized Colombian diaspora in Catalonia to creating transnational practices in favor of peace and denunciation of human rights violations in Colombia. Specifically, we seek to identify the main actors, organizational spaces, and collective action repertoires developed by Colombian women in Catalonia. Therefore, we approach the literature on the political participation of migrant and exiled women from the perspective of political transnationalism. Methodology: This qualitative and participatory research study examines bibliographic and documentary sources, semi-structured interviews with Colombian women participating in the organized diaspora, and participant observation of mobilizations. Conclusions: The analysis and discussion of the results show that for some women, their participation is based on their exile and previous political involvement. For others, it is driven by the recognition of their condition as migrant subjects, as well as the different axes of inequality that cross them, which allows them to connect their individual discomfort with the collective discomfort of their country of origin and develop new interpretative frameworks and new repertoires of action aimed at sensitizing and influencing the Colombian socio-political reality. Originality: This research contribution allows for further debate on the transnational political role of migrations in a globalized world and what role women can play in it

Objective/context: This paper examines the open legal primary rule in Chile for the selection of the presidential candidate, established in 2012 through Law 20640. This rule contains elements shared with similar legislation in the region as well as specific characteristics. Methodology: Through a case study, we will investigate the results and consequences of the application of primaries on the three occasions they were implemented (2013, 2017, and 2021). We will review the formal changes adopted and the political events that occurred in the interim, considering the main variables that typically intervene in electoral events of this nature, drawn from the existing debate and literature. Conclusions: The case of Chile shows that the combination of an open legal primary system with voluntary internal voting, incomplete simultaneity, and the absence of stable political groupings produces effects that do not align with either the general aspirations for the implementation of primaries or the theoretical purposes outlined by the ideologists of Chilean legislation. Originality: This study contributes to the emerging literature addressing open legal primaries in their dual aspect, both as a nomination mechanism and as an electoral rule

Objective/context: This study aims to evaluate the relevance of the category of populism when characterizing a party of the “new right,” such as the Republican Party of Chile. Methodology: A discourse analysis of a corpus of texts representative of the ideology of the Republicans was carried out, considering four analytical dimensions: ideological description schemes, collective identification terms, populist statements, and the populist discursive style as embodied in the rhetorical ethos of the enunciator. Conclusions: Even though the Republican Party has been typified as radical, right-wing, and populist, neither the ideological schemes, the vocabulary, the utterances, nor the discursive style evidence a marked populism. In sum, other ideological frameworks better characterize the discourse of this party—in particular, conservative, authoritarian, neo-liberal, and neo-patriotic motives, framed with the signifier of a certain republicanism. Originality: The research allows a divergent interpretation of the parties of the new right, usually characterized as radical populist right