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Constraint satisfaction theories were prominent in the late 20th century and emphasized continuous, rich interaction between many sources of information in a linguistic signal unfolding over time. A major challenge was rigorously capturing these highly interactive comprehension processes and yielding explicit predictions, because the important constraints were numerous and changed in prominence from one context to the next. Connectionist models were conceptually well-suited to this, but researchers had insufficient computing power and lacked sufficiently large corpora to bring these models to bear. These limitations no longer hold, and large language models (LLMs) offer an opportunity to test constraint satisfaction ideas about human language comprehension. We consider how LLMs can be applied to study interactive processes with lexical ambiguity resolution as a test case. We argue that further study of LLMs can advance theories of constraint satisfaction, though gaps remain in our understanding of how people and LLMs combine linguistic information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Syntactic priming in language production is the increased likelihood of using a recently encountered syntactic structure. In this paper, we examine two theories of why speakers can be primed: error-driven learning accounts (Bock, Dell, Chang, & Onishi, 2007; Chang, Dell, & Bock, 2006) and activation-based accounts (Pickering & Branigan, 1999; Reitter, Keller, & Moore, 2011). Both theories predict that speakers should be primed by the syntactic choices of others, but only activation-based accounts predict that speakers should be able to prime themselves. Here we test whether speakers can be primed by their own productions in three behavioral experiments and find evidence of structural persistence following both comprehension and speakers' own productions. We also find that comprehension-based priming effects are larger for rarer syntactic structures than for more common ones, which is most consistent with error-driven accounts. Because neither error-driven accounts nor activation-based accounts fully explain the data, we propose a hybrid model.

Most research on mental lexical representations (lemmas) assumes they are discrete and correspond in number to a word's number of distinct meanings. Thus, homophones (bat), whose meanings are unrelated, have separate lemmas for each meaning (one for baseball bat, another for flying bat), whereas polysemes (paper), whose senses are related, have shared lemmas (the same lemma for printer paper and term paper). However, most aspects of cognition are thought to be graded, not discrete; could lemmas be graded too? We conducted a preregistered picture-word interference study with pictures of words whose meanings ranged from unrelated (homophones) to very related (regular polysemes). Whereas semantic competitors to picture names slow picture naming, semantic competitors to non-depicted meanings of homophones facilitate naming, suggesting distinct lemmas for homophones' meanings. We predicted that competitors to non-depicted senses of polysemes would slow naming, as polysemes' depicted and non-depicted senses presumably share a lemma. Crucially, we aimed to examine the transition from facilitation to inhibition: two groupings (where competitors to non-depicted senses led to facilitation for words with two lemmas but inhibition for words with one lemma) would imply that lemmas are indeed discrete. But a transition that varies continuously by sense relatedness would imply that lemmas are graded. Unexpectedly, competitors to non-depicted senses of both homophones and polysemes facilitated naming. Although these results do not indicate whether lemmas are graded or discrete, they do inform a long-standing question on the nature of polysemes, supporting a multiple-lemma (vs. core-lemma) account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Repetition reduces word duration. Explanations of this process have appealed to audience design, internal production mechanisms, and combinations thereof [e.g. Kahn, J. M., & Arnold, J. E. (2015). Articulatory and lexical repetition effects on durational reduction: Speaker experience vs. common ground. Language, Cognition and Neuroscience, 30, 103–119]. Jacobs, Yiu, Watson, and Dell [2015. Why are repeated words produced with reduced durations? Evidence from inner speech and homophone production. Journal of Memory and Language, 84, 37–48] proposed the auditory feedback hypothesis, which states that speakers must hear a word, produced either by themselves or another speaker, in order for duration reduction on a subsequent production. We conducted a strong test of the auditory feedback hypothesis in two experiments, in which we used masked auditory feedback and whispering to prevent speakers from hearing themselves fully. Both experiments showed that despite limiting the sources of normal auditory feedback, repetition reduction was observed to equal extents in masked and unmasked conditions, suggesting that repetition reduction may be supported by multiple sources, such as somatosensory feedback and feedforward signals, depending on their availability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prosody is an important feature of language that conveys a wide range of information. However, prosody is widely considered to be a difficult domain of study within the language sciences. One consequence of this is that existing grammatical theories of prosody fail to explain prosodic choices that seem to arise from nonlinguistic cognitive demands, such as communicative context, top‐down expectations, and recent articulatory and acoustic experience. We provide an account of some of these phenomena and argue that linguistic theories that do not incorporate these factors into models of prosody are likely to mischaracterize its role in language. This article is categorized under:Linguistics > Language in Mind and BrainPsychology > LanguageLinguistics > Linguistic Theory [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]