Search

Where are the observations in psychology ? Recurrent criticisms have been addressed to psychology for its excessive focus on hypothesis testing, and its disregard for the descriptive, exploratory and observational approaches commonly found in the other natural sciences (e.g., zoology, ethology, behavioral ecology, behavioral biology, primatology). The dominant belief in the discipline is that science only progresses by testing theories. We first gather these criticisms. Then, we present some major benefits to the use of such observations (e.g., stimulating discovery, stimulating theory building, improving experimental designs, producing more ecologically valid research). Finally, we propose concrete ways to conduct systematic observations of human behaviors in psychology (e.g., direct observation, official statistics and big data, descriptive exploratory studies, preliminary surveys, interviews, testimonies). Thus, the present contribution supports the idea according to which the primary question for psychologists should be ‘what is it that I study’ rather than ‘what is my theoretical framework?’.

Although pervasive in our history and modern ecology, propaganda has yet to be formally described by social psychological science. The field has extensively documented the principles of persuasion and social influence, but no integrative synthesis has been attempted to describe the mechanisms of propagandist persuasion. In this paper, we propose to formalize a Fitness-Validation Model (FVM) of propagandist persuasion. This synthetic model assumes that, in essence, influence is proportional to the degree of fit between message characteristics (social content, prescriptive content, descriptive content, framing) and recipients’ (group identity, attitudes, knowledge, cognitive makeup). Fitness on these four characteristics then shapes perceptions of thought validity regarding the message, and ultimately behavior change. Thus, we propose that propaganda attempts to maximize fitness between message and recipient characteristics and self-validation in the direction of the message. From the FVM, we then derive five main pathways for propagandist persuasion and dissuasion, which we label the 5D: Deceive social intuition, Divert resistant attitudes, Disrupt information processing, Decoy reasoning and Disturb meta-cognition. The 5D are mutually inclusive and can be seen as the “building blocks” of real-world propaganda. We discuss the theoretical implications of the FVM and conclude the model should be used to craft more effective liberal democratic (counter)propaganda.

This research examines how the relationship between passion for an ideology and violent activism is magnified by the personal (vs. collective) loss of significance. In Study 1 (N = 238), the relationship between obsessive (but not harmonious) passion for the Republican Party and violent activism was moderated by personal (but not collective) loss of significance. Study 2 (N = 612) replicated these findings with an experimental manipulation of personal and collective loss of significance in a sample of Black Lives Matter supporters. In Study 3 (N = 416), we set out to attenuate the obsessive passion-violent activism relationship by experimentally manipulating personal and collective significance gain. Echoing the results of Studies 1 and 2, the manipulation of personal (but not collective) significance gain reduced the relationship between obsessive passion for the environmental cause and violent activism. Furthermore, Study 3 examined the psychological mechanism at play by incorporating a measure of goal-shielding - a factor of theoretical relevance to explain extreme behaviour. Personal significance gain reduced individuals' proclivity to inhibit goals unrelated to their ideological pursuit, which in turn reduced their support for violent activism. These findings reveal psychological factors relevant to detecting at-risk individuals and implementing cost-effective prevention programmes against ideological violence.

Radicalization is a process by which individuals are introduced to an ideological belief system that encourages political, religious, or social change through the use of violence. Here, we formulate an obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) model of radicalization that links Obsessive Passion (one of the best predictors of radical intentions) to a larger body of clinical research. The model’s central tenet is that OCD tendencies shape radical intentions via their influence on Obsessive Passion. Across four ideological samples in the United States (Environmental activists, Republicans, Democrats, and Muslims, N = 1,114), we found direct effects between OCD symptoms and radical intentions, as well as indirect effects of OCD on radical intentions via Obsessive Passion. Even after controlling for potential clinical confounds (e.g., adverse childhood experiences, anxiety, depression, substance abuse), these effects remained robust, implying that OCD plays a significant role in the formation of violent ideological intentions and opening up new avenues for the treatment and prevention of violent extremism. We discuss the implications of conceptualizing radicalization as an OCD-like disorder with compulsive violent tendencies and ideology-related concerns.

Conservative ideology is closely linked with pathogen prevalence, and adherence to conservative values increases under pathogen threat. To this day, few studies have demonstrated this effect using ecological voter data. For the first time, we analyze results from an election (the 2020 French local election) which was held during the growing coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) spread in the country. Using mixed modeling on county-level data (N = 96), we show that perceived COVID-19 threat (search volume indices) but not real threat (prevalence rates) prior to the election are positively associated with an increase in conservative votes only. These results were robust to adjustment on several covariates including abstention rates, prior electoral scores for conservative parties, and economic characteristics. Overall, a 1% increase in COVID-19 search volumes lead to an increase in conservative votes of .25%, 95% CI [.08, .41]. These results highlight the relevance of evolutionary theory for understanding real-life political behavior and indicate that the current COVID-19 pandemic could have a substantial impact on electoral outcomes. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)

Collective action is a key driver of social and political change within societies. So far, the main factor mobilizing individuals into collective action remains the extent to which they feel identified with a protesting group (i.e., social identification). Although the link between social identification and collective action is well-established, current evidence relies mostly on self-report data. To tackle this issue, we combined real-life protest counts in the United States (2017–2020) with online search data (Google Trends) for pronouns indicating a “group” mind-set (first-person plural pronouns; e.g., “we,” “us”). Time series analyses indicated that weekly fluctuations in searches ( N = 164) predict both protest and protester counts over time. Confirmatory mixed models then showed that a 1% increase in pronoun searches was linked with +13.67% protests (95% CI [4.02, 23.32]) and +47.45% protesters (95% CI [26.54, 68.36]) the following week. These original results have important implications for the ecological study and quantification of collective action dynamics in psychology.

If the importance of social psychological factors in creativity has been widely emphasized, research across the social sciences mainly focused on identifying contextual factors that increase or decrease individuals’ creative behaviors. Few studies have investigated the relationships between creativity and individual characteristics related to interpersonal and social interactions. The present contribution aimed to consider such characteristics, namely social risk-taking (i.e., willingness to challenge norms) and fear of negative evaluation (i.e., apprehension about receiving negative judgments of others). Two correlational studies were therefore implemented in order to clarify previous research suggesting that creativity would be positively associated with social risk-taking and to extend them by testing potential associations between creativity and fear of negative evaluation. Using self-ratings of creativity, but also creative self-beliefs and creative achievement, we hypothesized that creativity would correlate positively with social risk likelihood and negatively with fear of negative evaluation. As predicted, and replicating previous results, all our measures of creativity correlated positively with social risk-taking. Our results also consistently highlighted a negative association between beliefs in one’s creative capacities (creative self-efficacy) and one’s level of fear of negative evaluation. These findings corroborate the idea according to which creative individuals would be (social) risk-takers. In addition, individuals who are confident in their ability to generate creative productions would be less afraid of negative judgments from others. Several perspectives are proposed, in particular in terms of the intervention designed in order to enhance individuals’ creativity.

Despite the proven effectiveness of COVID-19 preventive measures, these remain inoperativeif individuals do not adopt them. We sought out to investigate the effectiveness of a novel type of intervention to foster compliance with COVID-19 preventive measures. Drawing upon the model of action phases and evidence linking social motives to compliance with recommendations, we extended implementation intentions to setting social goals (Social Goals Implementation Intentions, SGII). In a first study in France (N = 161), a brief writing task implementing a future hypothetical encounter with a close one at risk for severe symptoms of COVID-19 increased compliance intentions by 6.38% 95%CI[1.56,11.24], d = .42, relative to a deliberation-only control condition. No moderating role of conspiracy beliefs and mentality was found in exploratory analyses. These results were exactly replicated in a pre-registered study conducted among US participants (N = 223), where the increase was of 6.30% 95%CI[1.22,11.38], d = .34. Vaccine intentions were not affected in both countries. Taken together, our results suggest that SGII is a viable mechanism to design health behavior change interventions. Generating a sense of “skin in the game” may be more effective to bypass irrational beliefs and to foster greater adherence with evidence-based health recommendations.

Common ingroup categorization reduces outgroup prejudice. This link is moderated by distinctiveness motives (i.e., individuals perceiving this identity as too inclusive). Yet, Optimal Distinctiveness Theory states that both distinctiveness and belonging motives shape intergroup attitudes. For the first time we tested the hypothesis that belonging and distinctiveness motives jointly moderate common ingroup categorization effects. Using a flag-priming paradigm, two studies showed that, when national ingroup identity was salient, only belonging motives predicted positive attitudes towards outgroups (Study1: Syrians in Turkey, N = 184; Study 2: Maghrebis in France N = 151). This was corroborated by sensitivity analyses on aggregated data (N = 335). These results suggest that national identification may lead to positive outgroup attitudes for individuals who derive belonging from it.

International audience

Objective: This research examines the interface between ideological passion and the dark tetrad personality traits to predict violent (vs. peaceful) political activism. Meta-analytic research shows that ideological obsessive passion (OP) is one of the strongest psychological factors associated with violent activism. Here, we examine whether this relationship is magnified by the dark tetrad (i.e., Machiavellianism, narcissism, psychopathy, and sadism), which have often been associated with antisocial behavior. Method: In Studies 1A–C, the interaction between ideological passion and the dark tetrad was tested cross-sectionally with three distinct ideological groups, namely, Democrats (N = 566), Republicans (N = 479), and Black Lives Matter supporters (N = 204). In Study 2, we tested the same model using an experimental manipulation of obsessive (vs. harmonious) passion in a sample of environmentalists (N = 233). Results: In Studies 1A–C, the relationship between OP and violent activism was systematically accentuated by sadism. Of note, these effects were specific to violent activism and unrelated to peaceful activism. In Study 2, we replicated these findings and showed that the relationship between sadism and violent activism was significant when individuals were in an obsessively (but not harmoniously) passionate mindset. Conclusion: These results shed light on the interplay between motivation and personality traits to predict violent activism. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)

International audience; In recent years, research on high-risk athletes has focused mainly on personality traits, highlighting a complex and often ambivalent personality structure. Although scholars pointed out emotional difficulties amongst high-risk athletes, there exists to this day no in-depth investigation of the affective aspect. In an effort to address this so-far neglected question, this study offers the first thorough exploration of patterns of romantic relationships among high-risk athletes. Two groups were selected: people who practice extreme sports (N = 189; Extreme) and those who practice other types of sports (N = 207; Non-extreme). A series of tests were administered to evaluate romantic love, personality traits and self-esteem. Results showed that Extreme tend to display less intense feelings than their Non-extreme counterparts; conversely, their sentimental relationships are characterized by positive emotions and stable feelings, avoiding negative emotions. Hence, despite stereotypes which characterize Extreme as thrill-seekers prone to impulsivity, it seems that this group do not in fact seek as many thrills in their love life, but rather seek stability and contentment. Although still in it explorative phase, this study produced preliminary data which should be considered in devising further assessment and therapeutic strategies for this population of athletes.

The assessment of population mental health relies on survey data from representative samples, which come with considerable costs. Drawing on research which established that absolutist words (e.g. never) are semantic markers for depression, we propose a new measure of population mental health based on the frequency of absolutist words in online search data (absolute thinking index; ATI). Our aims were to first validate the ATI, and to use it to model public mental health dynamics in France and the UK during the current COVID-19 pandemic. To do so, we extracted time series for a validated dictionary of 19 absolutist words, from which the ATI was computed (weekly averages, 2019–2020, n = 208) using Google Trends. We then tested the relationship between ATI and longitudinal survey data of population mental health in the UK (n = 36,520) and France (n = 32,000). After assessing the relationship between ATI and survey measures of depression and anxiety in both populations, and dynamic similarities between ATI and survey measures (France), we tested the ATI’s construct validity by showing how it was affected by the pandemic and how it can be predicted by COVID-19-related indicators. A final step consisted in replicating ATI’s construct validity tests in Japan, thereby providing evidence for the ATI’s cross-cultural generalizability. ATI was linked with survey depression scores in the UK, r = 0.68, 95%CI[0.34,0.86], β = 0.23, 95%CI[0.09,0.37] in France and displayed similar trends. We finally assessed the pandemic’s impact on ATI using Bayesian structural time-series models. These revealed that the pandemic increased ATI by 3.2%, 95%CI[2.1,4.2] in France and 3.7%, 95%CI[2.9,4.4] in the UK. Mixed-effects models showed that ATI was related to COVID-19 new deaths in both countries β = 0.14, 95%CI[0.14,0.21]. These patterns were replicated in Japan, with a pandemic impact of 4.9%, 95%CI[3.1,6.7] and an influence of COVID-19 death of β = 0.90, 95%CI[0.36,1.44]. Our results demonstrate the validity of the ATI as a measure of population mental health (depression) in France, the UK and to some extent in Japan. We propose that researchers use it as cost-effective public mental health “thermometer” for applied and research purposes.

Conspiracy Beliefs (CB) are a key vector of violent extremism, radicalism and unconventional political events (e.g. Brexit). So far, social-psychological research has extensively documented how cognitive, emotional and intergroup factors can promote CB. Evidence also suggests that adherence to CB moves along social class lines: low-income and low-education are among the most robust predictors of CB (Uscinski, 2020; van Prooijen, 2017). Yet, the potential role of precarity – the subjective experience of permanent insecurity stemming from objective material strain – in shaping CB remains largely unexplored. In this paper, we propose for the first time a socio-functional model of CB. We test the hypothesis that precarity could foster increased CB because it undermines trust in government and the broader political “elites”. Data from the World Value Survey (n = 21,650; Study 1, electoral CB) and from representative samples from polls conducted in France (n = 1760, Study 2a, conspiracy mentality) and Italy (n = 2196, Study 2b, COVID-19 CB), corroborate a mediation model whereby precarity is directly and indirectly associated with lower trust in authorities and higher CB. In addition, these links are robust to adjustment on income, self-reported SES and education. Considering precarity allows for a truly social psychological understanding of CB as the by-product of structural issues (e.g. growing inequalities). Results from our socio-functional model suggest that implementing solutions at the socio-economic level could prove efficient in fighting CB.

Research suggests that belief in conspiracy theories (CT) stems from basic psychological mechanisms and is linked to other belief systems (e.g. religious beliefs). While previous research has extensively examined individual and contextual variables associated with CT beliefs, it has not yet investigated the role of culture. In the current research, we tested, based on a situated cultural cognition perspective, the extent to which culture predicts CT beliefs. Using Hofstede’s model of cultural values, three nation-level analyses of data from 25, 19 and 18 countries using different measures of CT beliefs (Study 1, N = 5,323; Study 2a, N = 12,255; Study 2b, N = 30,994) revealed positive associations between Masculinity, Collectivism and CT beliefs. A cross-sectional study among US citizens (Study 3, N = 350), using individual-level measures of Hofstede’s values, replicated these findings. A meta-analysis of correlations across studies corroborated the presence of positive links between CT beliefs, Collectivism, r = .31, 95%CI = [.15; 47] and Masculinity, r = .39, 95%CI = [.18; 59]. Our results suggest that in addition to individual-differences and contextual variables, cultural factors also play an important role in shaping CT beliefs., info:eu-repo/semantics/inPress

A vast amount of social science research has been dedicated to the study of Islamist extremism – in particular, to uncover its psychological and structural drivers. However, the recent revival of extreme-right extremism points to the need to investigate this re-emerging phenomenon. This article highlights some of the characteristics of the extremisation of Islamism in Europe in parallel with the rise of the extremisation of right-wing extremist groups. In doing so, we explore similarities between Islamist and right-wing extremist individuals and groups. The main premise of the article is that a threat-regulation approach fails to understand the role of contextual and structural factors in the political and religious extremisation of individuals. Instead, the article claims that a reciprocal-threat model can better explain extremist violence since it is based on the idea that nativist and Islamist extremist individuals/groups are mutually threatening each other.

Deviance Punishment is an important issue for social-psychological research. Group members tend to punish deviance through rejection, ostracism and – more commonly – negative judgments. Subjective Group Dynamics proposes to account for social judgement patterns of deviant and conformist individuals. Relying on a group identity management perspective, one of the model’s core predictions is that the judgment of a deviant target depends on group membership. More specifically, the model predicts that deviant ingroup members should be judged more negatively than outgroup ones. Although this effect has been repeatedly observed over the past decades, there is a current lack of sufficiently powered studies in the literature. For the first time, we conducted tests of Subjective Group Dynamics in France and the US to investigate whether ingroup deviants were judged more harshly than outgroup ones. Across six experiments and an internal mini meta-analysis, we observed no substantial difference in judgment between ingroup and outgroup deviant targets, d = -0.01, 95% CI[-0.07, 0.06]. The findings’ implications for deviance management research are discussed.

Supplemental material, sj-pdf-1-isp-10.1177_00207640211020036 for National identification, a social cure for COVID-19? Evidence from 67 countries by Eric Bonetto, Sylvain Delouvée, Yara Mahfud and Jais Adam-Troian in International Journal of Social Psychiatry

International audience; Exposure to death-related threats, thoughts and cues (actual or anticipated death of con-specifics, including oneself) remain powerful stressors across primate species, including humans. Accordingly, a pervasive issue in psychology pertains to the kind of social-cognitive responses exposure to deadly threats generates. To this day, psychological models of reactions to death-related threats remain underspecified, especially with regards to modern evolutionary theory. Research on both humans and nonhuman primates' reactions to death-related threats highlights a general tendency of human and nonhuman primates to "cling to the group" and to display increased social motivation in the face of death and deadly events (predator attacks, disasters, terror attacks.. .). Given the adaptive value of social networks, which provide individuals with resources, mating pool and support, we propose the existence of an evolved mechanism to explain these affiliative responses. In particular, we propose a "conspecific loss compensation mechanism" (CLCM) that actively keeps track of and compensates for threats to the integrity of one's social network. In the face of death-related cues signaling a danger for one's social network, or actual conspecific loss, CLCM triggers proportional affiliative responses by a process labeled compensatory socialization. After reviewing existing evidence for the CLCM, we discuss the plausibility, parsimonious character, and explanatory power of the diversity of behavioral and cognitive responses observed among threatened and grieving individuals. We also formulate clear and novel predictions to be tested in future research. Public Significance Statement Research on responses to death-related threats (loss or anticipated loss of conspecifics, including oneself) among humans shows increased bonding within one's social network and derogation of outgroup conspecifics. Based on ethological observations reporting similar behavioral patterns and on the adaptive value of social networks, we hypothesize the existence of an evolved "conspecific loss compensation mechanism" (CLCM) that keeps track of and compensates for threats to the integrity of one's social network. The CLCM parsimoniously explains a wide variety of empirical findings and allows the testing of novel predictions regarding human social cognition and behavior.

Violent extremism is rising across the globe as indicated by the growing number of attacks of terrorist organizations. It is known that violent extremism is carried out mainly by young people due to developmental and external factors. Furthermore, recent evidence suggests that ideologically motivated violence stems from threat-regulation processes aiming to restore significance, control, and certainty. Nevertheless, few studies from the threat-regulation literature have focused on youth samples and on the social-economic and political context in which radicalization processes occur. Here, we hypothesize that one driver of the surge in violent extremism might be globalization. To do so, we review the evidence that shows that globalization increases the perception of affiliative, economic, and existential threats. In return, some studies suggest that these kinds of threats promote violent extremism among youth samples. Therefore, we conclude that the threatening context generated by four decades of globalization might be a risk factor for youth extremism in the long run.

Supplemental Material, sj-pdf-1-spp-10.1177_1948550620987672 for “We Shall Overcome”: First-Person Plural Pronouns From Search Volume Data Predict Protest Mobilization Across the United States by Jais Adam-Troian, Eric Bonetto and Thomas Arciszewski in Social Psychological and Personality Science

Worldwide, it is not uncommon to observe violent police reactions against social movements. These are often rationalized by decision makers as efficient ways to contain violence from protesters. In France for instance, the ongoing Yellow Vests protests have generated an unprecedented number of casualties, injuries, and convictions among protesters. But was this response efficient in diminishing violence stemming from the Yellow Vests? To this day, little is known about the psychological consequences of police violence in the context of protests. Combining insights from Significance Quest Theory and the Social Identity perspective on collective action, we predicted that exposure to police violence could “backfire” and lead to increased radicalization of protesters. A cross-sectional investigation of 523 Yellow Vests yielded evidence for this hypothesis. We found positive direct effects of exposure to police violence on intentions to attend future demonstrations and to self-sacrifice for the Yellow Vests. Moreover, these effects were serially mediated by perceived Loss of Significance and Identification with the Yellow Vests. Paradoxically, these results highlight for the first time the mechanism through which political repression may contribute to the formation of radical politicized identities. Thus, we recommend that decision makers privilege the use of de-escalation techniques in protest policing whenever possible.

CS teargas is one of the most used tools for crowd-control worldwide. Exposure to CS teargas is known to have consequences on protesters’ health (i.e. eye, skin irritation, respiratory problems), but recent concerns have been raised over its potential gender-specific effects. Indeed, field and clinical observations report cases of menstrual cycle issues among female protesters following high exposure to teargas. The hypothesis of a link between teargas exposure and menstrual cycle issues is plausible from a physiological standpoint, but has not yet been empirically investigated. Using data from a cross-sectional study on Yellow Vests protesters’ health in France, we examined the relationship between exposure to teargas and menstrual cycle issues among female protesters (n = 145). Analyses suggested a positive link between exposure and menstrual cycle perturbations. These results constitute first and preliminary evidence that CS teargas may be linked with menstrual cycle among women, which need corroboration given the importance of this issue. We call for further research on the potential effects of CS teargas on women’s reproductive system.

Background: Social distancing and mass quarantines were implemented worldwide in response to the current COVID-19 pandemic. Prior research has shown that such measures bear negative consequences for population mental health and well-being. Conversely, a growing body of evidence suggests that feeling positively identified with a group is associated with physical and mental health benefits. Aims: This study tested whether national identification could promote wellbeing and physical health during the COVID-19 pandemic. Method: We used survey data conducted among 67 countries ( N = 46,450). Results: Mixed-model analyses revealed that national identity was associated with wellbeing – despite adjustment on social belonging, COVID-19 perceived risk, exposure and ideology. This effect did not extend to physical health. Conclusions: These results suggest that the mere feeling of belonging to a national group may have mental health benefits. We discuss the implications of our findings within the social cure framework and their relevance for population mental health under COVID-19.

Police violence during protests occurs worldwide with varying levels ranging from physical abuse to lethal use of force. Although prior research has investigated the health consequences of exposure to police violence (EPV), EPV’s relationship with protesters’ mental health has not yet been examined. Therefore, we designed a cross-sectional study which included measures of self-reported EPV, depression, and post-traumatic stress symptoms. The computerized survey was disseminated among a large sample of Yellow Vests protesters in France ( N = 523; average protest attendance = 18). Overall, 49% of protesters displayed severe symptoms of depression and 15.5% met the criteria for provisory post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) diagnoses. Subsequent analyses revealed, as expected, positive associations between EPV, depression, and post-traumatic stress symptoms in our sample (.30 < d < .63). These were robust to adjustment on several potential confounds (e.g., physical injuries, demographics, political extremism) and similar when analyzing provisory diagnoses rates (1.65 < OR < 3.02). This study is the first to assess potentially detrimental effects of EPV on mental health during protests. Furthermore, prevalence rates for both provisory depression and PTSD diagnoses were comparable with those found among war-refugee populations. We call for further research on EPV among various protester samples and use longitudinal designs to investigate a potent risk factor for mental health issues among civilian populations.

Collective action is a key driver of social and political change within societies. So far, the main factor mobilizing individuals into collective action remains the extent to which they feel identified with a protesting group (i.e., social identification). Although the link between social identification and collective action is well-established, current evidence relies mostly on self-report data. To tackle this issue, we combined real-life protest counts in the US (2017-2020) with online search data (Google Trends) for pronouns indicating a ‘group’ mindset (first-person plural pronouns; e.g. ‘we’, ‘us’). Time series analyses indicated that weekly fluctuations in searches (N = 164) predict both protest and protester counts over time. Confirmatory mixed-models then showed that a 1% increase in pronoun searches was linked with +13.67% protests 95%CI[4.02,23.32] and +47.45% protesters 95%CI[26.54, 68.36] the following week. These original results have important implications for the ecological study and quantification of collective action dynamics in psychology.

Suicide continues to be a major public health issue, especially in the United States. It is a well-established fact that depression and suicidal ideation are risk factors for suicide. Drawing on recent research that shows that absolutist words (e.g., “completely,” “totally”) constitute linguistic markers of suicidal ideation, we created an online index of absolutist thinking (ATI) using search query data (i.e., Google Trends time series). Mixed-model analyses of age-adjusted suicide rates in the United States from 2004 to 2017 revealed that ATI is linked with suicides, β = 0.22, 95% CI = [0.12, 0.31], p < .001, and predicts suicides within 1 year, β = 0.16, 95% CI = [0.05, 0.28], p = .006, independently of state characteristics and historical trends. It is the first time that a collective measure of absolutist thinking is used to predict real-world suicide outcomes. Therefore, the present study paves the way for novel research avenues in clinical psychological research.

Supplemental material, sj-pdf-1-gpi-10.1177_1368430220920707 for “Return of the repressed”: Exposure to police violence increases protest and self-sacrifice intentions for the Yellow Vests by Jais Adam-Troian, Elif Çelebi and Yara Mahfud in Group Processes & Intergroup Relations

Religions play a unique role in shaping modern humans’ lives. Yet, evidence shows that religion has both positive (e.g., decreased anxiety) and negative (e.g., increased parochialism) psychological consequences. In this chapter, we address the contradictions in the literature and advance our understanding of religion from a multilevel perspective integrating evolutionary, existential psychology, and sociology. We argue that religion generates a blend of strong moral values that are interiorized by individuals to address their concerns about their own mortality. Though this mechanism efficiently buffers existential concerns of meaning, control, and significance by giving people clear-cut moral guidance, internalization of moral codes link religious beliefs with one’s identity, rendering them more immune to change. By creating moralized identities, religious communities also homogenize their adherents’ behaviors and increase their parochiality. We conclude these effects explain why religions have a unique clustering effect on communities, stronger than any other form of secular meaning system.

Contains fulltext : 228242.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Open Access) Drawing on the concept of a gale of creative destruction in a capitalistic economy, we argue that initiatives to assess the robustness of findings in the organizational literature should aim to simultaneously test competing ideas operating in the same theoretical space. In other words, replication efforts should seek not just to support or question the original findings, but also to replace them with revised, stronger theories with greater explanatory power. Achieving this will typically require adding new measures, conditions, and subject populations to research designs, in order to carry out conceptual tests of multiple theories in addition to directly replicating the original findings. To illustrate the value of the creative destruction approach for theory pruning in organizational scholarship, we describe recent replication initiatives re-examining culture and work morality, working parents’ reasoning about day care options, and gender discrimination in hiring decisions. Significance statement It is becoming increasingly clear that many, if not most, published research findings across scientific fields are not readily replicable when the same method is repeated. Although extremely valuable, failed replications risk leaving a theoretical void - reducing confidence the original theoretical prediction is true, but not replacing it with positive evidence in favor of an alternative theory. We introduce the creative destruction approach to replication, which combines theory pruning methods from the field of management with emerging best practices from the open science movement, with the aim of making replications as generative as possible. In effect, we advocate for a Replication 2.0 movement in which the goal shifts from checking on the reliability of past findings to actively engaging in competitive theory testing and theory building. Scientific transparency statement The materials, code, and data for this article are posted publicly on the Open Science Framework, with links provided in the article. 19 p.

After over 2 months of demonstration, 12 casualties, 3,142 people injured, and more than 5,000 people in custody, the question of why the Yellow Vest (YV) protests turned so violent remains. In line with a significance quest perspective on violent extremism (Kruglanski & Orehek, 2011), the present contribution assessed whether the motivation to restore a sense of control and purpose could explain why French citizens engage in violent YV extremism. We hypothesized that personal loss of significance should predict intentions to display YV violence through increased feelings of anomia. Cross-sectional (Study 1, N = 776, general population) and experimental (Study 2, N = 511, undergraduate students) mediation analyses corroborated this hypothesis, in addition to other known predictors of violent extremism. These results provide a first existential-motivational explanation of YV violence in France and highlight the key role of anomia as a predictor of violent extremism under loss of significance.

International audience

Creativity seems to yield survival and reproductive benefits. Creative behaviors allow individuals to solve problems in new and appropriate ways, and thus to promote their survival. They also facilitate bonding and constitute a signal of one's fitness, favoring attraction of mates. However, to be creative, individuals often have to violate social norms in order to promote change. So far, this deviance induced by creative behaviors had not been seen as an adaptive disadvantage. This deviance entails negative consequences as social exclusion or ostracism, which are detrimental for both survival (e.g., reduced access to resources within the group) and reproduction (reduced reproductive fitness). Thus, the adaptive benefits yielded by creativity have to be nuanced by these potential disadvantages. The paradox of creativity proposes a finer-grained vision of the adaptive reasons why creativity has been maintained within the human species, has evolved, and is collectively regulated. Research perspectives are also proposed.

Research in the field of Resistance to Persuasion (RP; Knowles & Linn, 2004) has demonstrated that inoculating individuals with counter arguments is effective for lowering their levels of adherence to conspiracist beliefs (CB). Yet, this strategy is limited because it requires specific arguments tailored against targeted conspiracist narratives. Therefore, we investigated whether priming Resistance to Persuasion would reduce individual adherence to CB among undergraduate student samples. A first study (N = 81) demonstrated that participants primed by filling a RP scale had lower CB scores than control participants. This effect was directly replicated twice (N = 205 and N = 265) and confirmed by a mini meta-analysis (N = 519; d = .20). Practical and theoretical implications are then discussed.

Supplemental material, Adam-Troian_open_practice_disclosure for Absolutist Words From Search Volume Data Predict State-Level Suicide Rates in the United States by Jais Adam-Troian and Thomas Arciszewski in Clinical Psychological Science

PREFACE Extreme right-wing terrorism has currently become a wide-spread phenomenon across the world while the global focus has been on deadly terrorist activities with radical Salafist-Islamist aspirations since September 11, 2001. One of the latest attacks in Halle, an eastern city, organized by a young white German citizen against a Synagogue on the Yom Kippur Day, led to the death of two people on 9 October 2019. Another deadly attack in Christchurch, New Zealand, organized by a white supremacist person against Muslims attending the Friday prayer in a mosque murdering 51 Muslims on 15 March 2019 seem to have strong parallels with the murder of 79 Norwegian youngsters by another white supremacist, Behring Breivik in Norway on 22 July 2011. This Working Paper scrutinizes the social-anthropological and psychological sources of white supremacism on a global scale. This paper derives from the ongoing EU-funded research for the “Prime Youth” project conducted under the supervision of the Principle Investigator, Prof. Dr. Ayhan Kaya, and funded by the European Research Council with the Agreement Number 785934. AYHAN KAYA Jean Monnet Chair of European Politics of Interculturalism Director, European Institute Istanbul Bilgi University Abstract A vast amount of social science research has been dedicated to the study of Islamist terrorism, to uncover its psychological and structural drivers. The recent revival of extreme-right wing terrorism now points at the need to investigate this re-emerging phenomenon. Yet, most research still focuses on understanding and predicting political behaviours related to right wing populism, which is problematic. Drawing on insights from social anthropology and social psychology, this paper proposes to highlight some of the characteristics of extreme-right wing terrorism. To do so, we first explore similarities between these two terrorist groups. We start by reviewing evidence showing a visible co-radicalization pattern between Islamist and extreme-right factions in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. After describing the social-psychological commonalities that underlie co-radicalization between those two factions, we discuss of their social-anthropological peculiarities. We conclude that symmetrical psychological mechanisms pertaining to threat regulation underpin right wing and Islamist terrorism. Still, each type of terrorism can only be properly understood through studying specific factors linked with commitment of their actors to different socio-historically constructed ideologies. Jais Adam-Troian and Ayhan Kaya

Supplemental material, Adam-Troian_Supplemental_Material for Absolutist Words From Search Volume Data Predict State-Level Suicide Rates in the United States by Jais Adam-Troian and Thomas Arciszewski in Clinical Psychological Science

Supplemental material, Adam-Troian_open_practice_disclosure for Absolutist Words From Search Volume Data Predict State-Level Suicide Rates in the United States by Jais Adam-Troian and Thomas Arciszewski in Clinical Psychological Science