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OBJECTIVES Aiming to test the evolutionary significance of relationships linking prenatal growth conditions to adult phenotypes, this study examined whether birth size predicts energetic savings during fasting. We specifically tested a Predictive Adaptive Response (PAR) model that predicts greater energetic saving among adults who were born small. METHODS Data were collected from a convenience sample of young adults living in Albuquerque, NM (n = 34). Indirect calorimetry quantified changes in resting energy expenditure (REE) and active muscular efficiency that occurred in response to a 29-h fast. Multiple regression analyses linked birth weight to baseline and postfast metabolic values while controlling for appropriate confounders (e.g., sex, body mass). RESULTS Birth weight did not moderate the relationship between body size and energy expenditure, nor did it predict the magnitude change in REE or muscular efficiency observed from baseline to after fasting. Alternative indicators of birth size were also examined (e.g., low v. normal birth weight, comparison of tertiles), with no effects found. However, baseline muscular efficiency improved by 1.1% per 725 g (S.D.) increase in birth weight (P = 0.037). CONCLUSIONS Birth size did not influence the sensitivity of metabolic demands to fasting-neither at rest nor during activity. Moreover, small birth size predicted a reduction in the efficiency with which muscles convert energy expended into work accomplished. These results do not support the ascription of adaptive function to phenotypes associated with small birth size. © 2015 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Am. J. Hum. Biol. 28:484-492, 2016. © 2015 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

The parenting of other men's children can be interpreted as either mating effort or kin investment. The altruistic parenting of unrelated stranger children is a relatively infrequent event but deserves attention. A very small percentage of children born before 1960 ceased to live with their father before age 6, regardless of parental education. In the latest children's birth cohort 43 percent of fathers ceased to live with a child before it reaches the age of 16. Fertility benefits to deserting children between the ages of 6 and 16 were reduced to approximately one quarter. Children who are raised by men not their genetic fathers are most likely to be children of his current mate. As the returns on education in producing male adult income increased, the cost to fathers of ceasing to live with their offspring becomes increasingly differentiated between those with little education and those with more.

This chapter suggests the many ways in which the reproductive behavior of human beings is profoundly shaped is by their perception of the relative abundance of resources in the world around them, especially those most pivotal resources necessary to produce the next generation. In the course of human evolution there was a critical watershed that differentiated the parental-investment and family-formation strategies of human beings living in low- density, hunter-gatherer or long-follow horticultural societies from those living in high-density and stratified agricultural and urban societies. Studies of the relationship between mothers and their infants in modern hunter-gatherers indicate that, for most of human history, humans probably exhibited a very restrained pattern of reproduction featuring high levels of parental investment based on biological adaptations. A strong argument can be made that, among the higher primates, access to energy to support a long lactation is the principal concern of the adult female.

This important work examines in detail and depth how, as a consequence of changing technologies, diet, patterns of reproduction, and work, relations between children and parents have altered. The editors and contributors hold that biosocial science is particularly relevant to research on human family systems and parenting behavior. The family is the universal social institution in which the care of children is based and the turf where cultural tradition, beliefs, and values are transmitted to the young as they fulfill their biological potential for growth, development and reproduction. The biosocial perspective takes into account the biological substratum and the social environment as critical co-determinants of behavior and pinpoints areas in which contemporary human parental behavior exhibits continuities with and departures from, patterns evident throughout history. This work crosses disciplinary lines without ignoring their relevance to the broader themes of the book. School age pregnancy and parenthood is a powerful anchor for the dissection of large scale issues. The contributors deal in turn with ethnic and historical experience, examine normative and ethical issues, and cast new light on methodological concerns. What the editors call culturally-defined responses to basic needs helps explain both dramatic improvements in this area, and how they expand the challenge of teen reproduction. Contributors emphasize new demands for training and education to research this growing phenomenon. The book contributes to humane concerns as well as the scientific imagination.

This volume is the 1st in a series sponsored by the Social Science Research Council Committee on Biosocial Perspectives on Parent Behavior and Offspring Development. The relevance of biosocial science to research on the family and parenting is that the family remains the universal social institution in which values are transmitted to children as the individuals fulfill their biological potential for reproduction growth and development. The term "biosocial" 1) emphasizes the unity of biological and socioenvironmental factors and 2) shows how biosocial factors fit into the genetically determined "range of reaction" for human beings. Current US school-age pregnancy and parenthood has been described as a national epidemic. Cross-cultural and historical records indicate that adolescent parenthood 1) used to be relatively rare and 2) tended to occur within a marriage to an older spouse and a network of supportive relatives. Rates of adolescent pregnancy and parenthood have been much higher among US blacks many of whom have chosen early childbearing as an alternate life course that promotes their development. These urban poor unmarried mothers and their children have good outcomes; research needs to compare this group with those who have dismal outcomes. US whites tend to complete schooling enter the work force and delay childbearing until their late 20s or early 30s. Little research has failed to study both males and females and much of it is flawed because inappropriate age categories have been used--such as lumping all adolescents aged 19 and under together without distinguishing early middle and late adolescence. Also hazards exist in using chronologic rather than biologic age when studying puberty or maturation. The tradition of studying adolescent pregnancy and parenthood as a social problem has led to a failure to recognize possibly positive outcomes. Much of the data comes from studies of troubled adolescents. Many of the papers in this volume attempt to map the normative range of human reaction from biosocial perspectives using animal models historical data and cultural concepts of social maturity.

Using a sample of men living in Albuquerque, NM, we examined the relationship between paternity confidence and men's investment in children. In humans, men may reduce their investment in a child in two ways: indirectly, by ending their relationship with the child's mother and ceasing to cohabit with the child (e.g., divorce), and directly, by allocating less time and fewer resources to the child. In this article, we tested two hypotheses regarding the effect of paternity confidence on investment in children: (1) men will be more likely to divorce women if they suspect or are sure that they are not the father of their wife's child, and (2) controlling for divorce, men will reduce direct investments in low paternity confidence children relative to high paternity confidence children. The first hypothesis was supported by the data. The second hypothesis was supported for two out of three measures of paternal investment we examined; low paternity confidence reduces the time men spend with a child in a group with other children or adults, and it reduces extensive involvement with the child's educational progress; there was no effect of paternity confidence on the amount of time men spend with children in one-on-one interactions. We also examined the effects of unstated paternity confidence (e.g., when men decline to answer the question) on divorce and paternal investment. Overall, the results suggested that paternity confidence plays an important role in shaping men's relationships with women and with their putative genetic children.

Aiming to test the evolutionary significance of relationships linking prenatal growth conditions to adult phenotypes, this study examined whether birth size predicts energetic savings during fasting. We specifically tested a Predictive Adaptive Response (PAR) model that predicts greater energetic saving among adults who were born small.Data were collected from a convenience sample of young adults living in Albuquerque, NM (n = 34). Indirect calorimetry quantified changes in resting energy expenditure (REE) and active muscular efficiency that occurred in response to a 29-h fast. Multiple regression analyses linked birth weight to baseline and postfast metabolic values while controlling for appropriate confounders (e.g., sex, body mass).Birth weight did not moderate the relationship between body size and energy expenditure, nor did it predict the magnitude change in REE or muscular efficiency observed from baseline to after fasting. Alternative indicators of birth size were also examined (e.g., low v. normal birth weight, comparison of tertiles), with no effects found. However, baseline muscular efficiency improved by 1.1% per 725 g (S.D.) increase in birth weight (P = 0.037).Birth size did not influence the sensitivity of metabolic demands to fasting-neither at rest nor during activity. Moreover, small birth size predicted a reduction in the efficiency with which muscles convert energy expended into work accomplished. These results do not support the ascription of adaptive function to phenotypes associated with small birth size. © 2015 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Am. J. Hum. Biol. 28:484-492, 2016. © 2015 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Human life histories as compared to those of other primates and mammals have at least four distinctive characteristics: an exceptionally long life span an extended period of juvenile dependence support of reproduction by older post-reproductive individuals and male support of reproduction through the provisioning of females and their offspring. Another distinctive feature of our species is a large brain with its associated psychological attributes: increased capacities for learning cognition and insight. In this paper the authors propose a theory that unites and organizes these observations and generates many theoretical and empirical predictions. The authors present some tests of those predictions and outline new predictions that can be tested in future research by comparative biologists archaeologists paleontologists biological anthropologists demographers geneticists and cultural anthropologists. (authors)

In this article we present a biosocial model of human male parental care that allows relationship (mating) effort to influence male parental allocations. The model recognizes four classes of relationships between men and the children they parent: genetic offspring of current mates (combined relationship and parental effort), genetic offspring of previous mates (parental effort solely), step offspring of current mates (relationship effort solely), and stepchildren of previous mates (essentially no expected investment). We test the model using data on parental investment collected from 340 Xhosa high school students in Cape Town, South Africa. Six measures of paternal investment are examined: the amount of money men spent on students for school, clothing, and miscellaneous expenditures, respectively, and how often men spent time with children, helped them with their homework, or spoke English with them. The tests provide support for the roles of both parental and relationship effort in influencing parental care: men invest significantly more in their genetic offspring and in the children of their current mates. We also examine several proximate influences on parental care, specifically the age and sex of the child, and the percentage of the child's life the father figure coresided with him or her.

We present a biosocial model of human male parental care that allows male parental allocations to be influenced not only by changes in the fitness (welfare) of the recipient offspring, but also by their effects on the man's relationship with the child's mother. The model recognizes four classes of relationships between males and the children they parent: genetic offspring of current mates (combined relationship and parental effort), genetic offspring of previous mates (parental effort solely), step offspring of current mates (relationship effort solely), and stepchildren of previous mates (essentially no expected investment). We test the model using data on parental investments collected from adult males living in Albuquerque, New Mexico, U.S.A. Four measures of paternal investment are examined: the probability that a child attends college (2,191 offspring), the probability that a child who attends college receives money for it ( N = 1,212), current financial expenditures on children ( N = 635), and the amount of time per week that men spend with children ages 5 to 12 years ( N = 2,589). The tests are consistent with a role for relationship effort in parental care: men invest more in the children of their current mates, even when coresidence with offspring is not a confounder.

simultaneous effects of natural selection on the brain and on the life span, it extends the standard life history theory in biology which organizes research into the evolutionary forces shaping age-schedules of fertility and mortality. This extension, the embodied capital theory, integrates existing models with an economic analysis of capital investments and the value of life. The chapter begins with a brief introduction to embodied capital theory, and then applies it to understanding major trends in primate evolution and the specific characteristics of humans. The evolution of brain size, intelligence, and life histories in the primate order are addressed first. The evolution of the human life course is then considered, with a specific focus on the relationship between cognitive development, economic productivity, and longevity. It will be argued that the evolutionofthehumanbrainentailed aseries ofcoevolutionary responses in human development and aging. The second section on embodied capital and extrasomatic wealth discusses humans in a comparative context, beginning with the hunting and gathering lifestyle because of its relevance to the vast majority of human evolutionary history. However, in the past 10000 years human history traced a series of behavioral adaptations based on ecology and individual condition. The introduction of extra-somatic capital, first in the form of livestock and later in land and other types of wealth and power, radically changed the shape of human life history parameters and produced new patterns of fertility, parental investment, and reproductive regimes as access to extra-somatic capital became a focus of life history strategies. Finally, modern skills-based, competitive labor markets, combined with reduced fertility during the

Teen motherhood is the prevalent childbearing pattern in most traditional populations. Yet early motherhood is associated with negative biological and social outcomes in the developed world. We review the teen pregnancy literature in light of this discrepancy, emphasizing two core debates. The first debate centers on whether teens have poor pregnancy outcomes compared to older women, and whether negative outcomes are biologically based. Second, we consider the debate over the confounding effects of socio-economic conditions associated with being young. When teens are considered as a group, results are inconsistent across studies. When teens are disaggregated by age, the strongest finding across studies is that biological risk is concentrated in only the youngest of mothers. Negative consequences are associated with teen motherhood not because of chronological age per se, but because of relative developmental maturity and the availability of non-maternal support. In most traditional societies as well as in some sectors of developed societies, teen motherhood occurs within the context of extended kin networks and is subsidized through reliable economic and childcare assistance. Child-rearing practices, rather than pregnancy per se, may explain much of the discrepancy in the prevalence, success and attitudes toward teen motherhood in traditional and developed societies.

A biosocial perspective on women must emphasize the context-dependent nature of both their biological and their behavioral responses to the demands of reproduction. The evolutionary history of human female reproductive strategies has increased phenotypic and behavioral plasticity in ways that will optimize a woman's ability to access the resources necessary to produce and rear her children. These include a reproductive biology closely linked to shifts in social and physical resources, permitting an individual woman to adjust her investment at many points along the path of offspring development, and a behavioral pattern of family formation that optimizes women's access to resources through the most likely and predictable social networks. Compared to the reproductive strategies of female nonhuman primates, women are confronted with a series of adaptations peculiar to our species: (1) a high commitment to the rearing of multiple, nutritionally dependent young of differing ages, (2) an unending tradeoff between two often conflicting demands of production and reproduction, and (3) a bargain often struck with males for assistance in rearing young in exchange for confidence in paternity.

We examine the demographic correlates of paternity confidence, or men's assessment of the likelihood that they are the genetic father of a particular child. Evolutionary theory predicts that men will provide less parental investment for putative genetic offspring who are unlikely to be their actual offspring, but confidence of paternity has not been as extensively examined as its importance would merit. Using self-reported data on paternity confidence in 3,360 pregnancies reported by men living in Albuquerque, New Mexico, we find that low paternity confidence is more common among unmarried couples and for unplanned pregnancies. We also find that men are more likely not to state paternity confidence (i.e., they refuse to answer the question) if a pregnancy is unplanned. We additionally examine the pregnancy outcomes associated with confidence of paternity. We find that low paternity confidence pregnancies are significantly more likely to be aborted, and pregnancies for which paternity confidence is unstated are more likely to be aborted or to miscarry. Both abortion and miscarriage are associated with unmarried couples, with unplanned pregnancies, and with couples who have fewer children together.

With alarming frequency, the native peoples of South America continue to become victims of neglect and abuse. Such incidents rarely come to public attention, and in the few instances in which we learn about them remedial action is rarely taken. Who is to blame for this and what can be done to prevent the extinction of indigenous groups during the 21st century are simple questions for some social critics—notably Patrick Tierney, author of the recent and much publicized book Darkness in El Dorado (2000). Unfortunately, Tierney’s journalistic enthusiasm for sensational allegations directed at a few individuals trivializes the complex causes of the plight of the region’s native peoples (Hurtado 1990) and draws attention away from the kind of analysis that can produce lasting solutions. One of Tierney’s most serious charges is that medical scientists and anthropologists caused epidemics among the Yanomamo of Venezuela over 30 years ago. Journalists are not trained to decide such things; epidemiologists are, and they are unlikely to claim to know what caused an epidemic many years after it took place. They find it difficult enough to do so in the midst of an epidemic. The work is very time-consuming and costly and requires experts from multiple public health disciplines with a great deal of experience in collecting and analyzing valid and accurate quantitative data. We may never know the who, when, and how of the origins of the measles and malaria epidemics of the mid-1960s in Yanomamo communities, just as we may never know why a measles epidemic broke out among Angaite communities in the Paraguayan Chaco in January of this year (Ultima Hora, January 15, 2001). What we do know is that the vast majority of epidemics occur when medical sci

This paper presents a theory of brain and life span evolution and applies it to both the primate order, in general, and to the hominid line, in particular. To address the simultaneous effects of natural selection on the brain and on the life span, it extends standard life history theory (LHT) in biology, which organizes research into the evolutionary forces shaping age-schedules of fertility and mortality (Cole 1954; Gadgil and Bossert 1970; Partridge and Harvey 1985). This extension, the embodied capital theory (Kaplan and Robson 2001 b; Kaplan 1997; Kaplan et al. 2000), integrates existing models with an economic analysis of capital investments and the value of life.

The large human brain, the long period of juvenile dependence, long life span, and male support of reproduction are the co-evolutionary result of the human niche based on skill-in- tensive techniques of resource accrual. The regulation of fertility under traditional conditions is based upon a co-evolved psychology and physiology where adjustments of investment in offspring depend upon the returns to skill and mortality hazards. When all wealth is somatic, the hormonal system controlling ovulation and implantation translates income into genetic descendants. In modern society the existence of extra-somatic wealth is a critical condition to which our evolved proximate physio- logical mechanisms do not respond. However, psychological mechanisms regulating parental in- vestment in offspring quality may lead to greater and greater investment in own and offspring education, a smaller desired family size, a delay in the onset of reproduction, and a reduction in the total numbers of offspring produced. This delay in reproduction can cause many individuals to pro- duce fewer children than desired because fecundity falls during the reproductive part of the life course. As more individuals in a society follow this pattern, more will fail to reach their desired family size. At the same time the effective use of birth control decreases the numbers of families producing more children than desired. Below replacement fertility can result. Predictions from this model were tested using data from the National Survey of Families and Households and the Albuquerque Men study. Am. J. Hum. Biol. 14:233-256, 2002. 2002 Wiley-Liss, Inc

We feel it is important to explain to the readership of Human Nature why we decided to break with our tradition of publishing only those papers based on evolutionary approaches to human behavior that are highly empirical in terms of substantive testing of theoretical predictions with data. Our decision to publish an investigation of the conduct of a professional society needs to be explained to those who are not aware of the history that lies behind it. Although the readers of Human Nature come from a wide variety of disciplines, a solid core of both readers and Consulting Editors identify themselves as Evolutionary Anthropologists or Human Evolutionary Ecologists, do research in nonindustrialized societies, and practice scientific methodology. This is the group that was most damaged in reputation and status by the original publication in 2001 of Darkness in El Dorado by Patrick Tierney (New York: W. W. Norton) and, that same year, by the President and Executive Board of the American Anthropological Association, who launched an unstructured investigation into accusations of scientifically motivated genocide against James Neel, a geneticist, and Napoleon Chagnon, an anthropologist. Evolutionary anthropologists were very disturbed by what seemed to be a witchhunting psychology that rippled through the AAA meetings, the AAA-sponsored investigation, and subsequent web postings. A number of us decided that we needed Hum Nat DOI 10.1007/s12110-011-9106-8

The facts of global population growth shown in Figure 19.1 have become depressingly familiar: one billion human beings in 1800, 1.5 billion in 1950, and 5.5 billion today (Bongaarts, 1994). In the past 40 years more people have been added to the globe than in all of the preceding history of our species. Currently the world’s population is expanding at the unprecedented rate of nearly one billion per decade, and projections suggest a total of 11.5 billion by the end of the twenty-first century. Virtually all this growth is expected to occur in the developing regions of Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

Our objective is to test an optimality model of human fertility that specifies the behavioral requirements for fitness maximization in order (a) to determine whether current behavior does maximize fitness and, if not, (b) to use the specific nature of the behavioral deviations from fitness maximization towards the development of models of evolved proximate mechanisms that may have maximized fitness in the past but lead to deviations under present conditions. To test the model we use data from a representative sample of 7,107 men living in Albuquerque, New Mexico, between 1990 and 1993. The model we test proposes that low fertility in modern settings maximizes number of grandchildren as a result of a trade-off between parental fertility and next generation fertility. Results do not show the optimization, although the data do reveal a trade-off between parental fertility and offspring education and income.We propose that two characteristics of modern economies have led to a period of sustained fertility reduction and to a corresponding lack of association between income and fertility. The first is the direct link between costs of investment and wage rates due to the forces of supply and demand for labor in competitive economies. The second is the increasing emphasis on cumulative knowledge, skills, and technologies in the production of resources. Together they produce historically novel conditions. These two features of modern economies may interact with evolved psychological and physiological mechanisms governing fertility and parental investment to produce behavior that maximizes the economic productivity of lineages at the expense of fitness. If cognitive processes evolved to track diminishing returns to parental investment and if physiological processes evolved to regulate fertility in response to nutritional state and patterns of breast feeding, we might expect non-adaptive responses when returns from parental investment do not diminish until extremely high levels are reached. With high economic payoffs from parental investment, people have begun to exercise cognitive regulation of fertility through contraception and family planning practices. Those cognitive processes maynot have evolved to handle fitness trade-offs between fertility and parental investment.

The reduction in fertility accompanying modernisation poses a scientific puzzle that has yet to be solved. Despite the fact the problem has received a great deal of attention from economists, sociologists, demographers, anthropologists and biologists, no discipline in the social or biological sciences has offered a fully developed and coherent theory of fertility reduction that explains the timing and pattern of fertility reduction in the developed or developing world. The inability to offer an adequate theory raises fundamental questions about the theoretical foundations of those disciplines. For example, although economics has made great strides in explaining consumer behaviour, time allocation and labour force participation through the recognition that the household is a fundamental organisational unit of human action, there is no adequate explanation of why households are mostly composed of men and women who marry and have children. There is no economic theory of why reproductive partnerships form such a fundamental organisational principle in human societies nor of why people have and want children in the first place. The very modest progress of economists in explaining long-, medium- and short-term trends in fertility highlights this weakness.

Ostracism, and its attendant processes, emigration and immigration, are now recognized as basic mechanisms intrinsic to the long-term adaptation of primate society. Ostracism, defined as socially determined exclusion from the resources and opportunities necessary to successful reproduction, is a basic mechanism by which individuals strive to maximize their own reproductive success at the expense of others. Among males this process most often involves exclusion from opportunities to fertilize females (zygote formation) whereas among females it leads to competition for the resources necessary to raise these zygotes to adulthood. Ostracism from intrasexual competition may be so intense that it leads to the migration of less successful individuals into social groups offering greater opportunity. The “passports” most often used in primate immigration are sexual affinity and kinship alliance. Migration carries high risk and is associated with increased mortality and morbidity. Nevertheless, ostracism, emigration, and immigration remain as the basic social processes by which the ratio of resources to individuals shifts and balances from one year to the next. Such adjustments are made through the process of individual “decisions” and “strategies” to optimize personal reproductive success, but their net effect is to constantly redistribute individuals in relation to resources vital to reproduction.

In a study of social behavior of free-ranging vervet monkeys living along the Zambezi River near Livingstone, Zambia, 295 observations were made in which a juvenile female directed some type of maternal behavior toward an infant. Juvenile females showed a high degree of interest in young infants and would touch, cuddle, carry and groom infants whenever they could. This opportunity to care for infants provides juvenile females with situations in which they can practice not only motor skills that are important in maternal behavior but also playing the maternal role itself.

New archeological discoveries from the Lower Pleistocene in Africa, the advent of radiometric dating techniques, and recent observations on the behavior of free-ranging nonhuman primates can be combined to provide a fresh perspective on the evolution of tool-using behavior. The Lower Pleistocene in which relatively simple Oldowan tools are associated with small-brained forms lasted over two million years and represents over 80 percent of human history. These discoveries suggest that tool-making and tool-using are behavior patterns that emerged much more slowly in the course of human evolution than was previously thought.

environment. Recent field studies of the social behavior of a variety of subhuman primates have emphasized the rich repertoire of social interactions and their adaptive significance for the species.l-3 These studies have also emphasized the differences in individual as well as social behavior that exists between species of primates. However, these differences have generally not been an important consideration in assessing the behavioral changes occurring from experimental brain injury. Therefore, a series of experiments have been planned to study the effects of brain lesions on social behavior both in the laboratory and in the field in several species of Old-World monkeys. Eventually, it may be possible to define more clearly those aspects of a syndrome which are species specific, as well as other aspects which are characteristic of most subhuman primates. Comparison of the behavioral changes seen in the field with those observed in the laboratory may help to clarify the influence of caging and to make laboratory observations more pertinent. For the present experiment we chose to ablate the amygdaloid nuc1ei.S Under laboratory conditions, bilateral lesions of the amygdaloid nuclei in the individually caged, adult rhesus monkey (M. mulutta) results in a syndrome of relative docility, especially toward man, hyperorality, coprophagia and hypersexuality.4 Two studies have examined the effects of amygdalectomy on social interaction in groups of laboratory housed macaques. ROSVOLD, MIRSKY and PRIBRAM~ have reported that

grapher reported infanticide as commonly practiced is higher than those where the ethnographer reported that infanticide is not practiced. A correlation coefficient for the association between the proportion of young males and the reported frequency of infanticide was not estimated. When we calculated the correlation coefficient for the South American sample, the strength of association between the two variables was not marked (r = .13).

Steven Aks, DO, FACMT, FACEP Michelle Blanda, MD, FACEP David Bordo, MD, FACEP Shu B. Chan, MD, MS, FACEP Carlos A. Camargo, Jr., MD, DrPH Andrew K. Chang, MD, FACEP William C. Dalsey, MD, MBA, FACEP Wyatt W. Decker, MD, FACEP Marc Dorfman, MD, FACEP, MACP John E. Duldner, Jr., MD, FACEP Christopher J. Finley, MD, FACEP Steven A. Godwin, MD, FACEP Jonathan A. Handler, MD, FACEP Edward C. Jauch, MD, MS, FACEP A. Antoine Kazzi, MD, FAAEM Mark I. Langdorf, MD, MHPE, FACEP Joseph R. Lex, Jr., MD, FAAEM Thomas W. Lukens, MD, PhD, FACEP Susan Nedza, MD, MBA, FACEP Robert W. Neumar, MD, PhD, FACEP Richard Nunez, MD,FACEP, FAEAM Robert E. O’Connor, MD, MPH, FACEP Brian J. O’Neil, MD, FACEP James R. Roberts, MD, FACEP Philip H. Shayne, MD, FACEP Gary R. Strange, MD, FACEP Stephen J. Wolf, MD, FACEP David W. Wright, MD, FACEP Robert Zalenski, MD, MA, FACEP Leslie S. Zun, MD, MBA, FACEP