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Reportedly, long non-coding RNAs (lncRNAs) are implicated in hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) progression, yet little is known concerning the biological functions of TTN antisense RNA 1 (TTN-AS1) in HCC. In this study, quantitative real-time polymerase chain reaction (qRT-PCR) was performed for detecting TTN-AS1, SPOCK1 mRNA, and miR-139-5p expressions in HCC cells and tissues. After TTN-AS1 was overexpressed or knocked down in HCC cells, CCK-8 and 5-Ethynyl-2ʹ-deoxyuridine (EdU) assays were carried out for examining cell multiplication. Transwell assays were conducted for evaluating HCC cell migration and invasion. Dual-luciferase reporter assay was employed for verifying the binding relationships between miR-139-5p and TTN-AS1, and between SPOCK1 3ʹUTR and miR-139-5p. Western blot was employed to measure SPOCK1, E-cadherin, N-cadherin, and Vimentin protein expressions. We demonstrated that, TTN-AS1 and SPOCK1 expression levels were remarkably enhanced in HCC cells and tissues, whereas miR-139-5p expression was observably reduced. Functional experiments suggested that TTN-AS1 knockdown markedly repressed HCC cell multiplication, migration, epithelial-mesenchymal transition (EMT), and invasion. In addition, TTN-AS1 interacted with miR-139-5p and decreased its expression. Moreover, SPOCK1 was a miR-139-5p target, and miR-139-5p inhibitors were able to reverse TTN-AS1 knockdown-induced inhibitory effect on SPOCK1 expression. SPOCK1 overexpression plasmid could counteract TTN-AS1 knockdown-induced inhibiting impact on HCC cell multiplication, migration, invasion, and EMT. In conclusion, TTN-AS1 expression level is remarkably enhanced in HCC, and TTN-AS1 can promote the multiplication, migration, invasion, and EMT of HCC cells via regulating miR-139-5p/SPOCK1 axis.

This paper presents the impact of income inequality on the subjective wellbeing of three different social groups in urban China. We classify urban social groups according to their hukou status: rural migrants, "born" urban residents, and "acquired" urban residents who had changed their hukou identity from rural to urban. We focus on how the income disparity between migrants and urban residents affects individual happiness. The main results are as follows. People feel unhappy if inequality is related to their hukou identity, irrespective of whether they are urban residents with or without hukou. However, when identity-related inequality and other individual- and city-level characteristics are controlled, inequality measured by city-level Gini increases happiness. We also find that among urban residents who own hukou, mostly the "acquired" urban residents are unhappy with hukou-related inequality. This implies that identity is formed by both policy and personal experience. "Born" urban residents have lower happiness scores when they are old. Communist Party members strongly dislike the identity-related inequality., グローバルCOEプログラム = Global COE Program

This paper studies the impact of income inequality on the subjective well-being of different social groups in urban China. We classify urban social groups according to their hukou status: rural migrants, "born" urban residents, and "acquired" urban residents who once changed their hukou identity from rural to urban. We focus on how the horizontal inequality -- income disparity between migrants and urban residents -- affects individual happiness. The main results are as follows. First, migrants suffer from unhappiness when the horizontal inequality increases, but urban residents show a much smaller aversion to the horizontal inequality. Second, migrants will not be happier if their relative incomes within their migrant group increase, while urban residents do become happier when their incomes increase within their group's income distribution. Third, "acquired" urban residents have traits of both migrants and "born" urban residents. They have an aversion to the horizontal inequality like migrants, and they also favor higher relative income among urban residents. Fourth, "born" urban residents have lower happiness scores when they are old. People who are Communist Party members strongly dislike the horizontal inequality. Our findings suggest that migrants, "acquired" urban residents, elderly people and Party members from "born" urban residents are the potential proponents of social integration policies in urban China., グローバルCOEプログラム = Global COE Program

In this paper, we use the "2002 Chinese Household Income Project Survey" (CHIP2002) data to examine how heterogeneous social interactions affect the peer effect in the rural-urban migration decision in China. We find that the peer effect, measured by the village migration ratio, significantly increases the individual probability of outward migration. We also find that the magnitude of the peer effect is nonlinear, depending on the strength and type of social interactions with other villagers. Interactions in information sharing can increase the magnitude of the peer effect, while interactions in mutual help in labor activities, such as help in housing construction, nursing and farm work in busy seasons, will impede the positive role of the peer effect. Being aware of the simultaneity bias caused by the two-way causality between social interaction strengths and migration, we utilize "historical family political identity in land reform" as an instrumental variable for social interactions. However, the hypothesis that probit and instrumental-variable probit results are not significantly different is not rejected. The existence of a nonlinear peer effect has rich policy implications. For policy makers to encourage rural-urban migration, it is feasible to increase education investment in rural areas or increase information sharing among rural residents. However, only an increase in the constant term in the regression, i.e., a "big push" in improving institutions for migration, can help rural Chinese residents escape the low equilibrium in migration., グローバルCOEプログラム = Global COE Program

In this paper, we use the '2002 Chinese Household Income Project Survey'(CHIPS2002) data to examine how heterogeneous social interactions affect the peer effect in the rural-urban migration decision in China. We find that the peer effect, measured by the village migration ratio, significantly increases the individual probability of outward migration. We also find that the magnitude of the peer effect is nonlinear, depending on the strength and type of social interactions with other villagers. Interactions in infirmation sharing can increase the magnitude of the peer effect, while interactions in mutual help in labor activities, such as help in housing construction, nursing and firm work in busy seasons, will impede the positive role of the peer effect. Being aware of the simultaneity bias caused by the two-way causality between social interaction strengths and migration, we utilize 'historical family political identity in land refirm?as an instrumental variable for social interactions. However, the hypothesis that probit and instrumental-variable probit results are not significantly different is not rejected. The existence of a nonlinear peer effect has rich policy implications. For policy makers to encourage rural-urban migration, it is feasible to increase education investment in rural areas or increase infirmation sharing among rural residents. However, only an increase in the constant tfirm in the regression, i.e. a 'big push?in improving institutions for migration, can help rural Chinese residents escape the low equilibrium in migration.