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With the rise of creative industries, culture in international relations achieves strong competitive economic advantages. At the same time, it is often a fertile tool in reconciliation be-tween conflicted communities and long-term consolidation of their relations. Economic peace theory claims economic interdependence as being the key factor in achieving peace between communities. Starting from this premise, this paper analysed the success of specific EU fund-ing within cross-border cooperation schemes between Croatia and Serbia in enhancing social relations between the two states and their cooperation, as indirect effects. Adapted Conflict Management and Mitigation Matrix (CMM) served as a basis to confirm the assumption that international relations are enhanced if direct economic benefits for the communities are involved. The research confirmed this assumption and provided recommendations for future EU financial instruments.

The article contextualises the concept of the European army within wider European security and defence discourse. The European Union (EU) is facing complex challenges, which requires a strategic approach to IR. This research examines the EU’s strategic posture and capacities in the international arena by employing two leading concepts of IR theory – constructivism and realism. Since the EU operates in an interlinked world, the article takes into account a wider geostrategic environment and heterogeneity of concepts and interests of actors in various pockets of the globe, offering viable future perspectives for the phenomena in its focus. It suggests a functional development of a EU’s strategic culture and a fine-tuned reconsideration of its exclusively constructivist approach to contemporary security challenges.

The aim of this study is to analyse the institutional development of the Schengen area as a particular element of the European integration process, as well as its contemporary challenges related to its functionality and capacity to expand, having a particular accent on Croatia’s accession process and its perspectives. While the process of European integration brings a recognisable amount of benefits to all parties, small and new member states in particular, its mature stage carries also significant amount of challenges. Integrated border management, demanding geostrategic location (a southeastern Schengen ‘gatekeeper’) in a turbulent period (migration challenges and weak states in the southeastern neighbourhood) are only few of many that Croatia has to face. Therefore, this analysis will attempt to foresee also the capacity of the country to perform in efficient and interoperable fashion in the post-accession period.

The study presents a development of small states’ relevance in international relations with special accent on analysis of the current position of small state in contemporary foreign policy discourse. Furthermore, this study applies theoretical frameworks to analyse challenges that Croatia as a small state faces in international relations and the opportunities it had for promoting interests and gaining relevance on regional, European and global level.

This study compiles the findings of research on Croatian foreign policy towards three regions – Central and Southeast Europe, as well as the Mediterranean. The aim of the research was to analyze Croatian presence in these three regions through political and economic relations, analyzing the current challenges and opportunities of Croatian foreign policy for future positioning in international relations.

The study analyses the phenomena of migration in contemporary international context. It focuses on EU policies in that specific field, taking into account challenges in the decision-making process. It looks also at Croatian migration trends in the wider regional context, providing foresights and recomendations for the period to come.

The region of South Eastern Europe has, unfortunately, been widely known as a turbulent zone that negatively affected stability of its closer and wider surroundings. One of the first concrete steps taken by the trans-Atlantic community in its efforts to ensure sustainable stability of the region after the end of the armed conflicts was to incorporate regional co-operation in its conditionality mechanism, what was not the case with Central and East European countries. This article/presentation will analyze the reasons for that as well as the frameworks in which regional co-operation was made conditio sine qua non for any progress in the Euro-Atlantic accession processes of the countries in the region and the results that this kind of approach achieved in the last decade. Also, it will endeavour to offer some recommendations for the regional co-operation in the period to come, as well as to identify the main challenges that still lay ahead in that field.

This country study of Croatia presents the findings of desk and empirical research carried out with the aim to provide comprehensive analyses of the civil security system, comparable to the other country studies within the ANVIL project. The study shows that several types of crisis events are most frequent in Croatia floods, fires and droughts. Croatia also faces seismic risks of earthquakes and a threat from leftover mines. The crisis management system in Croatia inherited traditions of the former Yugoslav federation. The system functioned well during the war of independence (1991 - 1995) while the principles of civil security have been changed during its further development. The dominant crisis management approach became civilian-based rather than military-based. The legal and institutional structures have been reformed in 2005. The coordination of the civil security system has been established at national level and takes an all hazards approach in the case of disaster and major accidents.

Navedena knjiga sadrži sedam poglavlja koji pružaju pregled reforme sigurnosnog sektora u Hrvatskoj, kao i njezina postignuća i slabosti. Cilj knjige je pridonijeti boljem razumijevanju spomenute reforme i njezine cjelokupne važnosti za demokratski razvoj hrvatskog društva.

Knjiga se zasniva na kompleksnoj analizi utjecaja vanjskih i unutarnjih faktora, te vremenskog konteksta na sigurnost u regiji. Središnji dio istraživanja fokusiran je na 'Postdaytonsko razdoblje' u kojem se po prvi puta bilježe naznake konsolidacije u procesu pristupanja država regije euroatlantskim strukturama.

In the context of analyzing events relevant for the security sector reform (SSR) in the Republic of Croatia three turning points are relevant – the years 1990, 1995 and 2000. In the year 1990 the first multiparty elections took place. This year marks the initiation of the national state-building process. There are many arguments that can lead us to conclude that there was no SSR at the time. From 1995-2000, the liberation of occupied territories (military-police operations Flash and Storm) took place and the Erdut Agreement were concluded. It should be noted that in the period of 1995-2000 the Republic of Croatia did not participate in any form of Euro-Atlantic accession process. The period of 2000-2009 is marked by the end of the semi-authoritarian regime. This began the actual transition period in the Republic of Croatia. This was a significant contributing factor in the beginning of Croatian accession to the euroatlantic community.

One may argue that the conditionality mechanism should be considered as one of the most successful tools at the EU’s disposal when assessing the way it affects the transition processes in post-communist countries and contributes to their success and pace in general. At least, it seems to have proven to be efficient in the case of the countries of the so-called 5th enlargement. However, very few analyses about its impact on the transitional processes in the region of South East Europe have been conducted, while the complexity of the situation there highlights the need to do so, indeed. Therefore, this paper will assess the impact of conditionality mechanism on aforementioned processes in that region, trying to analyse EU’s policies towards it before that mechanism was introduced as well, thus opening a space to use the comparative analysis of periods before and after its introduction. Furthermore, it will provide an in-depth analysis of the phenomenon of the conditionality mechanism as such, compare its impact on some countries that have already joined the EU to the impact on various stages of transitional reforms that countries in this part of Europe are currently experiencing. As a conclusion, it would attempt to provide the evaluation of usefulness of the conditionality mechanism in South East Europe up to now, define its major achievements as well as the problems experienced so far, providing some recommendations for improvement.

Located between the regions rich in fossil fuels (Russia, Caspian states and the Middle East) and main Central and West European markets, South-East European (SEE) countries might become increasingly important as an alternative transit route for energy supplies. Transit is a key factor in project planning and investment decisions. In addition to the geographical position, transit countries and regions have to be politically stable with supportive investment climate, including legally ensured rights of way in order to be attractive for investors. On the other hand, the investments have to be environmentally sustainable and economically viable to be attractive for transit countries. As following the construction phase the roles and negotiating powers change, legally binding and enforceable rules have significant impact on investment decisions. The South East Europe is in this respect an interesting case. By adhering to Energy Community, countries of the region have signed to the EU competition, environment and transit rules. The aim of the paper is to outline a complex relationship between energy and climate change considerations in decision making relevant for SEE. Relevant decision making is analyzed from perspective of domestic decision-making ; project decision making at international level (e.g. investment decisions) and on the level of international legal instruments that can have significant impact on energy security and environmental sustainability in SEE. The paper starts with brief overview of major planned infrastructure projects. Based on formal support for selected projects it is examined how interests of energy security and environmental sustainability are balanced in decision-making process in South East Europe. Second, the role of international instruments (primarily Kyoto and post-Kyoto regime, Aarhus convention, the Energy Community and the Energy Charter Treaty) for decision – making at national and project level is examined. Next, the importance of commercial, political and environmental considerations for decision making is outlined. As a result, geopolitics of energy and climate change of SEE is outlined.

The region of Southeastern Europe is unfortunately widely known, especially during the last two decades, as a recognizable zone of instability that represented a significant challenge to security of its wider surrounding. Namely, the escalation of nationalistic conflicts in the last decade provoked a number of consequences that negatively affected not only the neighboring regions, but also long term stability on the European and even global level to a certain extent. The issue of identity, as one of most important among them, is undoubtedly the most problematic one when speaking about an attempt to clearly define it, especially in relation to perception of it among the members of neighboring community. This is exactly the reason why this presentation/paper will concentrate on the issue of identity and its impact on the security in Southeast Europe.

The issues of nuclear disarmament, WMD non-proliferation and peaceful use of nuclear energy seem to be modestly coming back to the international agenda. Indeed, the UN institutions that have been somewhat neglected for more than a decade, at least when we speak about issues listed above, tend to reappear as appropriate forums for it. The new US administration shows a significant change in attitude towards a number of important issues on the international agenda, which may be opening new windows of opportunity for broader compromises and general progress in the field of international security and global nuclear regime in particular. In that sense, an unanimous adoption of US-sponsored UNSC Resolution 1887 in September 2009 may be a good signal and a significant step forward. However, sensitivity of the issue, burdened with long lasting stalemate in the post-Cold War period, coupled with noticeable problems that still have to be tackled, may represent a reason for concern and scepticism and make the outcome of this initiative difficult to predict. This is the reason why this article will modestly try to analyse the substance and potentials of the resolution, offering an assessment of the environment in which it has been developed and trying to foresee its perspectives in the future, hopefully contributing to general understanding of these very interesting issues of global relevance.

In the framework of a research project Croatia Integration Perspectives and Synergic Effects of European Transformation in the Countries Targeted by EU Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policies, this paper provides a comprehensive analysis of the state of the transformation processes in Croatia as well as its relations with the EU. Systematic study analyzes the political and economic transformation that took place in Croatia since 1990 up until today, as well as the course of its relations with the EU. The research also draws conclusions regarding the achievements of the transition process and European integration perspectives of candidate countries, potential candidate countries and countries covered by the EU’s Neighborhood Policy.

The study provides an overview of the politcal, institutonal and economic transformation of Croata and integration towards the EU.

The analysis concentrates on the issues presented as critical points in the 2007 Progress Report on Bosnia and Herzegovina, and evaluates the 2007 Annual Programme for Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Pre-Accession Instrument1 (IPA) in the light of these elements. The Multi-Annual Planning Document for the years 2007-2009 for Bosnia and Herzegovina2 is also taken as a reference point for the evaluation. We first present the main issues and measures regarding the political criteria. After this, we discuss the economic criteria and the measures foreseen in this field. This is followed by a concise description and a critical evaluation of the most important items and measures regarding European standards. Finally

Evidentno je da je terorizam postao globalni problem koji se više ne može svesti na nekoliko izoliranih incidenata. Također, postaje jasno da je korištenje tradicionalnih sigurnosnih mjera, zasnovanih na teritorijalnoj nacionalnoj obrani i klasičnoj vojnoj sili, u njegovom suzbijanju potpuno neadekvatno te se stoga nameće potreba međunarodne suradnje u kojoj ključnu ulogu treba zauzeti uporaba znanja u procesu donošenja odluka. U ovome se radu analizira potencijalna uloga Republike Hrvatske u borbi protiv terorizma, koja u svome turbulentnom okruženju ima značajno mjesto i ulogu, imajući u vidu uznapredovalost razvoja njezinih demokratskih institucija, reformskog procesa, a i procesa stjecanja punopravnog članstva u EU i NATO savezu te samim time postaje ključni partner međunarodne zajednice za stabilizaciju ove regije, kao i odlučniju borbu protiv terorizma u ovom dijelu Europe.

Author begins the article by stressing the new reality of international relations – globalization - that rapidly transforms the international security environment. New technologies have facilitated increasing interdependence and interconnectedness all over the globe, so traditional concept of security based on military power and territorial national defence no longer represents a key instrument in matters of security. Therefore it should be enriched by new dimensions, such as human security, that includes internal political and social stability, effectiveness and transparency of democratic political institutions, sustainability of economic development and a permanent access of citizens towards information, namely through education. As regards risks and threats in globalise world, he emphasises that we are facing new ones, such as organised crime, terrorism and environmental and demographic disasters and therefore argues that qualified human capital is essential in facing them. He underlines that this is very much implicated to the region of South East Europe, and elaborates it in details. Author also analyses international initiatives and regional response to security in the region, especially the role of the EU. He argues that the international community needs to gradually reduce the sponsorship function coinciding with strengthening of the local administrative and democratic authorities. He sums up by outlining the perspectives for the future development of South East Europe and gives some recommendations for the period to come.

Kontinuiranim provođenjem reformi i implementacijom acquis-a, osobito nakon zaključivanja Sporazuma o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju sa EU u listopadu 2001.godine, te početkom pregovora o punopravnom članstvu ubrzava se dinamika procesa integracije RH u EU. Paralelno s napretkom procesa europskog integriranja, demokratske promjene bile su od iznimnog značaja za unapređenje odnosa sa SAD-om i započinjanje procesa pridruživanja NATO savezu. Nestabilnost Jugoistočne Europe u prošlom desetljeću prouzročilo je negativne posljedice ne samo njoj, nego i široj okolini te transatlantskoj zajednici u cjelini. Upravo zbog toga, osobito od strane transatlantske zajednice (ponajviše EU i NATO), u posljednjih je nekoliko godina pokazana jasna određenost prema održivoj stabilnosti jugoistoka Europe. U tom kontekstu nikako ne treba podcijeniti važnost Republike Hrvatske kao stabilizirajućeg faktora u regiji, osobito uzimajući u obzir napredak u reformskom i integracijskom procesu u odnosu na ostale zemlje u regiji, kao i sve veći doprinos zemlje regionalnoj suradnji. Samim time, uloga RH u ovome dijelu Europe, ali i šire, dobiva novi kontekst, što je od konzumenta sigurnosti sa početka prošloga desetljeća promovira u pouzdanog partnera međunarodne zajednice za stabilizaciju još uvijek relativno turbulentne Jugoistočne Europe.

Poremećaji u međunarodnim odnosima nakon pada Berlinskog zida stavili su pred ozbiljan test sveukupnu koncepciju europskog političkog ujedinjenja, koja pokazuje svu svoju kompleksnost i nedostatke u prvom posthladnoratnom angažmanu. Autor analizira razloge nepostojanja jedinstvenog europskog pristupa, specifičnost novog pristupa pitanju priznanja suvereniteta novih država te ukazuje na pojedine probleme koji stoje pred projektom europske poltičke unifikacije.

Najmanji napredak u posthladnoratovskim tranzicijskim procesima pokazivale su zemlje Jugoistočne Europe. Isprepletenost neriješenih konflikata koje je kulminiralo krvoprolićem i ratnim zločinima odaljila je ovu regiju od europskih integracija. Rješavanju spomenutih sigurnosnih disfunkcija nisu pridonijeli niti međunarodni akteri, osobito EU, sa svojim nekonzistentnim politikama. Autor analizira postkonfliktnu ulogu EU u ovom dijelu Europe, kao i potencijalne izazove sigurnosti u bliskoj budućnosti.

In this presentation, author analyses the genesis of the political, economic and cultural development in the Southeast Europe and the main reasons why it has become the well-known zone of instability. Also he assesses into details the two approaches of the main international mediators during the crisis in ex-Yugoslavia – European Union and United States. He analyses the EU’s inadequate response to the crisis in ex-Yugoslavia, genesis of its inability to react properly in the beginning of the conflict and later EU’s efforts for stabilization and enhancement of security and development in the after-war period. He also explains the reasons for initial US indifference towards the crisis in the region as well as reasons that made Washington administration to change the point of view and involve in the process of conflict-solving in this part of Europe. By tackling the issue of current position of countries from the region in their process of pursuing reforms and gaining the full-fledged membership in EU and NATO, the author presents his vision of perspective for this part of Europe and stresses the importance of a more active role of Croatia, as a most developed country, that should be a bonding bridge between the EU and the Southeastern Europe.

Po dekade stagnacie vo vztacoh s Europskou union začalo Chorvatsko v novembri 2000 rokovania o Stabilizačnej a asociačnej dohode (SAD). Podpisanim dohody v oktobri 2001 sa vytvorlil prvy zmluvny vztyh medzi EU a Chorvatskom, ktore tak na seba prijalo ulohu splnit zavazky vyplyvajuce z členstva a začalo prisposobovat svoj pravny a ekonomicky system Europskej unii. Hoci posilnilo so susednymi krajinami a v mnohych reformach sa mu vyborne dari, mqa pred sebou ešte vela prekažok, ktore by nemalo podcenit.

The purpose of this article is to provide analysis of the capabilities and overall path that European Union Forces (EUFOR) have undertaken in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). To do so, the author looks at the goals of EUFOR, its composition, its funding and actions during the past period. Using those findings he asseses whether or not EUFOR is on path to success or failure and tries to determine whether it is in Croatia's interest to take part in the EU's mission in BiH.

The sudden collapse of communism let loose long piled-up tensions that led to the disintegration not only of Yugoslavia, but also of the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia. At the same time Europe had to cope with the challenge of German unification. The disintegration of Yugoslavia ended in a bloody scenario with ethnic cleansing, genocide and war crimes. As fighting broke out in ex-Yugoslavia, the EU was caught in the procedural vacuum between its leading member states after the end of the Cold war. Owing to this and to obvious differences in crucial strategic interests of its member states, the Union could not react appropriately to the crisis and the new vision of political unity started to face concrete obstacles in its very beginning. After the end of the war, various stability initiatives for the region started to develop and the EU took the leading role in this process. Despite major efforts to stabilize both the individual countries and the entire region, the progress made over the last decade has been fragile, as the 1999 Kosovo crisis belatedly demonstrated. It was clear that region needed a stronger initiative. This led the EU to introduce a substantial innovation: the Stabilisation and Association Process. This Process offers the possibility for the countries of the region to sign a new kind of Agreement, i.e. the Stabilisation and Association Agreement with the EU, thus for the first time opening concrete perspectives for the EU accession. In 1988 the EU did the same for the Central and Eastern European countries by launching the enlargement process and opening of accession negotiations. After many failed attempts, the gradual accession to the EU has motivated the countries of the region for a closer co-operation. Due to different historical legacy those countries had completely different geo-strategic goals and that was their first common goal. For political leaders of the region, and more importantly, for the people in general, Europe is a syntagm without an alternative and the vast majority of citizens are aware that it is the future also for this area.