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This book provides an analysis of how penal discourses are used to legitimate post-Cold War military interventions through three main case studies: Kosovo, Iraq and Libya. These cases reveal the operation of diverse modalities of punishment in extending the ambit of international liberal governance. The argument starts from an analysis of these discourses to trace the historical arc in which military interventions have increasingly been launched through reference to both the human rights discourse and humanitarian sentiments, and a desire to punish the perpetrators. The book continues with the analysis of practices involved in the post-intervention phase, looking at the ways in which states have been established as modes of governance (Kosovo), how punitive atmospheres have animated soldiers'violence in the conduct of war (Iraq), and finally how interventions can expand moral control and a system of devolved surveillance in conjunction with both border control and the engagement of the International Criminal Court (Libya). In all these case, tensions and ambiguities emerge. These practices underscore how punitive intents were also present in the expansion of liberal governance, demonstrating how the rhetoric of punishment was useful in legitimating Western state powers and recomposing the borders of the liberal world at the periphery. War as Protection and Punishment ends with a number of critical comments on the diffusion of punitive discourse in the international arena, considering how issues of crime and justice have also animated, at least in part, the current engagement with the Russian invasion of Ukraine. An accessible and compelling read, this book will appeal to students and scholars of criminology, sociology, politics and those interested in how penal discourses are used to legitimize military conventions.

This book looks at Salafi influencers and foreign fighters in the Balkans to examine how the origins and dynamics of radical milieus are related to the legacy of the Bosnian War and the Kosovo War. The work seeks to understand if and in what ways these wars influenced the consolidation of radical milieus and whether they impacted the recruitment of foreign fighters. In doing so, the book traces the path of more than 400 individuals that either traveled to Syria or were involved in recruitment locally. Employing a qualitative methodological approach, the book argues that radical influencers are likely to be more evident in postwar societies due to state and societal fragility, which create more power for social actors and constrain efforts to counter extremism. Through the activism of social actors emerging from wars, preceding conflicts resonate through society across different locations and particular postwar radical milieus do not need to be only in the place where war atrocities happened. Thus, radical milieus can spread to various locations including countries hosting postwar diaspora communities. This book will be of much interest to students of radicalisation, terrorism and political violence, Balkan politics, Middle Eastern politics, and IR in general.

The concept of soft power has caught the attention of policymakers, scholars, and political pundits for the last thirty years. Soft power studies most often focus on measures of public opinion toward a power-wielder and draw conclusions about a state's level of soft power from that opinion. This research examines soft power influence by focusing on the elite discourse and the foreign policy decisions of states that are the target of soft power influence. Beginning with Joseph Nye's conception that soft power is an attractive force that influences state policy decisions and its level of support for another state's policies, Confronting the Myth of Soft Power in U.S. Foreign Policy examines whether U.S. soft power was part of key policymakers'decision calculus. Soft power is tested against two plausible alternate explanations—balancing and state identity. Data from the discourse of key foreign policymakers in France and Germany indicate that U.S. soft power does not account for those states'policy decisions to support U.S.-led policy interventions in Kosovo in 1999, or against ISIS in 2014. The results of this research are suggestive regarding the potential of soft power influence and its implications on scholarship and U.S. foreign policymaking.

This book analyses efforts to achieve justice in Kosovo for victims of crimes committed during the conflict in the 1990s, relating this to broader debates on transitional justice. The war in Kosovo has come under the jurisdiction of a number of mechanisms which fit within the broader framework of transitional justice. These include international tribunals (the ICTY), international organisations with judicial mandates within Kosovo (UNMIK and EULEX), ad-hoc hybrid tribunals (the Kosovo Specialist Chambers) and truth-seeking mechanisms (RECOM and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission). Collectively, these developments make Kosovo a profoundly important case study on the contemporary efficacy of transitional justice. This volume analyses the nature and impact of the various mechanisms employed to date in Kosovo to determine their effects within the country, and their broader international significance. Various critical issues are examined through an exploration of the institutional mechanisms employed in each case, their coherence with existing theories on'best practice'principles, and the broader implications of their efficacy in Kosovo.This book will be of much interest to students of transitional justice, statebuilding, Balkan politics, and International Relations in general.

Am 23. März 1999 erteilte NATO-Generalsekretär Javier Solana während einer Krisensitzung des NATO-Rates in Brüssel den Aktivierungsbefehl zum Beginn der Luftschläge gegen die Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien. Der seit 1989 währende Konflikt zwischen den im Kosovo lebenden Serben und Albanern erreichte 1998 seinen Höhepunkt und kam mit dem Massaker von Drenica zum vollen Ausbruch. Nachdem alle diplomatischen Mittel gescheitert waren, um eine friedliche Lösung herbeizuführen, sah sich die westliche Staatengemeinschaft gezwungen, ihren Forderungen an Milosevic militärisch Nachdruck zu verleihen. Die Niederlande und Deutschland hatten bereits im Oktober 1998 der NATO ihre Unterstützung im Falle eines Luftangriffs gegen Jugoslawien zugesichert. Dieser Vorratsbeschluss machte den Weg für die am 24. März 1999 begonnene NATO-Luftoperation frei. Beide Regierungen wurden bei ihrem Vornehmen von einer breiten parlamentarischen Mehrheit unterstützt. Durch die Untersuchung der parlamentarischen Debatten zum Kosovo-Krieg in den Niederlanden und Deutschland werden die Unterschiede und Gemeinsamkeiten zwischen den parteipolitischen Standpunkten der Schwesterparteien in der Zweiten Kammer und im Bundestag herausgefiltert und ermittelt, welche Erkenntnisse sich aus dem länderbezogenen Vergleich ableiten lassen. Da beide Länder seit dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges eine unterschiedliche außenpolitische Kultur hinsichtlich der Beteiligung an militärischen Auslandseinsätzen entwickelten, wird untersucht, wie sich die verschiedenen Parteien zu dem Kosovo-Einsatz der NATO positionierten, ob es Unterschiede gab und wie sich eventuelle Differenzierungen in den parteipolitischen Stellungnahmen aus der traditionellen außenpolitischen Kultur erklären lassen.

1999 entschied die NATO, in die Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der paramilitärischen UÇK, die für die Unabhängigkeit des Kosovo kämpfte, und der serbisch-jugoslawischen Armee einzugreifen. Damit wollte sie die Regierung Slobodan Miloševićs zum Rückzug der Armee aus dem Kosovo zwingen. An den Luftschlägen der NATO gegen Serbien beteiligte sich auch Deutschland, dessen rot-grüne Regierung sich zu dieser militärischen Maßnahme mit dem Verweis auf serbische Menschenrechtsverletzungen durchrang. Eine schwierige Entscheidung – schließlich stand nicht nur die Zukunft der krisengeschüttelten Balkanregion, sondern auch das Selbstverständnis der Bundeswehr und damit der Bundesrepublik auf dem Spiel. Hans-Peter Kriemann blickt auf die Ereignisse des Jahres 1999 zurück und erläutert darüber hinaus die politischen wie diplomatischen Hintergründe des Kampfeinsatzes. E-Book mit Seitenzählung der gedruckten Ausgabe: Buch und E-Book können parallel benutzt werden.

This open access book focuses on the origins, consequences and aftermath of the 1995 and 1999 Western military interventions that led to the end of the most recent Balkan wars. Though challenging problems remain in Bosnia, Macedonia, Kosovo, and Serbia, the conflict prevention and state-building efforts thereafter were partly successful as countries of the region are on separate tracks towards European Union membership. This study highlights lessons that can be applied to the Middle East and Ukraine, where similar conflicts are likewise challenging sovereignty and territorial integrity. It is an accessible treatment of what makes war and how to make peace ideal for all readers interested in how violent international conflicts can be managed, informed by the experience of a practitioner.

As in most countries of the former Warsaw Pact or of Eastern Europe with a socialist-communist regime, in former Yugoslavia too, the birth of organized crime groups was a direct product of state security services of authoritative regimes in decadence. The roots of most of these groups are to be found in the association of the state securities or secret polices with the crime-milieu. The formal practice of employing professional criminals for state-operations organized and supported by these obscure state services was established and conducted from the early beginnings of socialists/communist regimes onward. For the regime, the use of an otherwise problematic social layer at the margins of socialist societies was founded on the principle of ‘like cures like'. Using this method, the state security service in former Yugoslavia employed professional criminals in the elimination of political dissidents, ‘enemies of socialism'and used their services to produce illicit profit for its financing. When the Milosevic regime rose to power, the ‘Service'just changed its ‘master'but the method remained the same. Professional criminals were recruited to join or to lead a so called ‘unit of volunteers'. Often these criminals exchanged their time in prison for a time at the ‘battlefield'. The Serbian warlords were able to carry out the political goals of the Belgrade-regime and were granted in exchange ‘open hands'in looting and developing illicit trade. As feudal vassals they exchanged their services for the privileges they obtained from the state. From the margins of society, empowered by crime, sustained by the media, fully benefiting on violence, they rose to the highest peaks of Serbian society. This book's goal is to depict the rise of the Serbian warrior-aristocracy.

Catherine Baker offers an up-to-date, balanced and concise introductory account of the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s and their aftermath. The volume incorporates the latest research, showing how the state of the field has evolved and guides students through the existing literature, topics and debates.

Since the end of the Cold War, crises from the Balkans to Central Asia and Africa have forced international organizations to adapt, expand, and cooperate to end civil wars, manage humanitarian challenges, and contain terrorist threats. The Power of Dependence explores the complex relationship between two of these organizations: NATO and the United Nations. It advances an innovative resource dependence approach to explain the stark variation in interorganizational cooperation, combining insights from international relations theory and organizational science in a comprehensive theoretical framework. Comparing NATO and the UN's engagement in three major post-Cold War conflicts- Bosnia, Kosovo, and Afghanistan- the study finds that the level and balance of the organizations'resource dependence plays a crucial role in shaping the degree of cooperation. The Power of Dependence demonstrates the logic, dynamics, and impact of organizational interactions in addressing regional instability and violent conflict. It will be of interest to anyone concerned with understanding and building more effective interorganizational partnerships in crisis management.

​Mit dem Ende des Ost-West-Konfliktes sollte eine Zeit der Sicherheit und des Friedens beginnen, in der Rüstungsausgaben in Bildung fließen und zivile Konfliktregulierung zum Mittel der Wahl wird. Doch das Resümee fällt ernüchternd aus. Regionale Konflikte, die durch den Ost-West-Antagonismus unterdrückt waren, drangen mit Wucht auf die Agenda der internationalen Gemeinschaft. Auch Deutschland beteiligte sich sukzessive an der internationalen Konfliktregulierung in Folge der jugoslawischen Zerfallskriege und in Somalia, bis hin zur Beteiligung am Kampfeinsatz im Kosovo. Mittels des Zwei-Ebenen-Ansatzes für Außenpolitikanalyse spürt Timm Schöneberger der zentralen Frage nach, wie sich innerhalb weniger Jahre der Handlungsspielraum der Bundesregierungen von Kohl bis Schröder von militärischer Abstinenz bis zum Kampfeinsatz ohne UN-Mandat vergrößerte.

Die sicherheitspolitischen Umbrüche der Jahrhundertwende fanden in den Kriegen im Kosovo, in Afghanistan und im Irak ihren Höhepunkt. Magnus-Sebastian Kutz analysiert, wie diese Kriege durch staatliche PR gerechtfertigt wurden. Dazu wird zum einen die inhaltliche Begründung in Reden und Pressekonferenzen untersucht und gezeigt, dass sowohl ein gezieltes Framing als auch Motive des „gerechten Krieges“ Grundlage staatlicher Legitimationsbemühungen sind. Gleichzeitig untersucht der Autor auch Organisationsstrukturen von PR, die aufgebaut wurden, um in einem von modernen Medientechnologien geprägten internationalen Medienumfeld zu bestehen. Dabei wird das Vorgehen der Regierungen in den USA und in Deutschland verglichen.

This collection examines the escalation of the Kosovo conflict to a full-scale war. It looks at its origins, background and the implications of the conflict: the myths, history and perceptions of the post-1989 crisis and the situation after the start of NATOs 1999 bombing campaign.

In the years following the fall of Slobodan Milosevic, Serbian social, cultural and political responses to the wars of the 1990s have fallen under intense scrutiny. In Ethnic Conflict and War Crimes in the Balkans, Jelena Obradovic-Wochnik explores some of those responses - taking into consideration notions such as silence, denial and conspiracy theory, the book sheds some light on the complicated narratives about the 1990s. The book considers the experience of knowing, witnessing and speaking about atrocities, and thus contributes to the debates on confronting the past in Serbia. Specifically, it considers how individuals of the'ordinary'public in Serbia reflect upon, understand and keep secrets about the 1991-1999 conflicts in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, and the atrocities, human rights abuses and war crimes which were committed there. Close attention is paid to the stories of individuals whose voices and experiences are generally excluded from the broader debate about the past. Jelena Obradovic-Wochnik explores how these narratives diverge from, resist and are invisible to the formal and civil society initiatives aimed at confronting the past in Serbia.In doing so, the book also explores silence about and denial of the violent past, and considers how and where these dynamics manifest and what they might mean.In addition, it covers themes such as narratives of self-victimhood, conspiracy theory and the perception of war-time leaders and combatants. This is a detailed and considered investigation into how groups cope with knowledge and the witnessing of violent pasts. It is based on ethnographic research and interviews with a group of'ordinary'individuals, in post-Milosevic Serbia. As such, it provides a unique perspective on the lived experience of the conflicts, and the ways in which stories of the 1990s emerge in everyday contexts.

It has been two decades since Yugoslavia fell apart. The brutal conflicts that followed its dissolution are over, but the legacy of the tragedy continues to unsettle the region. Reconciliation is a long and difficult process that necessitates a willingness to work together openly and objectively in confronting the past. Over the past ten years the Scholars'Initiative has assembled an international consortium of historians, social scientists, and jurists to examine the salient controversies that still divide the peoples of former Yugoslavia. The findings of its eleven research teams represent a direct assault on the proprietary narratives and interpretations that nationalist politicians and media have impressed on mass culture in each of the successor states. Given gaps in the historical record and the existence of sometimes contradictory evidence, this volume does not pretend to resolve all of the outstanding issues. Nevertheless, this second edition incorporates new evidence and major developments that have taken place in the region since the first edition went to press. At the heart of this project has always been the insistence of the authors that they would continue to reconsider their analyses and conclusions based on credible new evidence. Thus, in this second edition, the work of the Scholars'Initiative continues. The broadly conceived synthesis will assist scholars, public officials, and the people they represent both in acknowledging inconvenient facts and in discrediting widely held myths that inform popular attitudes and the electoral success of nationalist politicians who profit from them. Rather than rely on special pleading and appeals to patriotism that have no place in scholarship, the volume vests its credibility in the scientific credentials of its investigators, the transparent impartiality of its methodology, and an absolute commitment to soliciting and examining evidence presented by all sides.

The book deals with the research question under which circumstances NATO uses military force in manner controversial from the international law perspective. In general, it can be concluded that NATO, as an alliance of democratic states, employs military force proactively and in a controversial manner with respect to perceptions of international law in situations where a humanitarian disaster is ongoing, impending, or anticipated. The causal mechanisms for the establishment of a democratic peace do not apply in these situations. The use of military force is limited and the democratic transformation of the target countries is a conflict exit strategy. The Alliance does not play a key role in the transformation but rather creates conditions for the activities of other international community institutions.

Butler sheds light on how American political leaders sell the decision to intervene with military force to the public and how a just war frame is employed in US foreign policy. He provides three post-Cold War examples of foreign policy crises: the Persian Gulf War (1990-91), Kosovo (1999), and Afghanistan (2001).

This book examines the justifications for, and practice of, war by the US since 1990, and examines four case studies: the Gulf War, Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq. The author undertakes an examination of presidential speeches and public documents from this period to determine the focal points on which the respective presidents based their rhetoric for war. The work then examines the practice of war in the light of these justifications to determine whether changes in justifications correlate with changes in practice. In particular, the justificatory discourse finds four key themes that emerge in the presidential discourses, which are tracked across the case studies and point to the fundamental driving force in US motivations for going to war. The four key themes which emerge from the data are: international law or norms; human rights; national interest; and egoist morality (similar too, but wider than,'exceptionalism'). This analysis shows that 9/11 resulted in a radical shift away from an international law and human rights-focused justificatory discourse, to one which was overwhelmingly dominated by egoist-morality justifications and national interest. This book will be of much interest to students of US foreign policy, humanitarian intervention, Security Studies, and IR theory.

This book is an analysis and a set of tools of analysis to explain and understand why, when, where, and how the United States and its major NATO allies will agree or disagree on a collective policy regarding using military force abroad.