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150 izv. O avtorjih: str. VII-XI. Bibliografija pri vseh prispevkih.

In which ways can we theorise the recent illegalised migrations in Europe? This article considers theoretical novelties in the field of migration studies that have emerged since the mass migration into the European Union seen in 2015. Methodologically, the authors combine critical (discursive) analysis with the testing of certain still relevant theoretical concepts that have yet to be applied in migration studies, based on fieldwork along the Balkan Route over the last 5 years. The analysis has shown that the defining and decisive feature of the recent illegalised migrations, insufficiently considered by migrations scholarship, is the political subjectivity and agency of the migrants. Recognition of such agency makes migration the site of the critique of global inequalities and the site of inclusive social transformation Kako teoretizirati aktualne ilegalizirane migracije v Evropo? Članek obravnava teoretske novosti v polju migracijskih študij od množičnih migracij v Evropsko unijo leta 2015. Metodološko avtorja povežeta kritično (diskurzivno) analizo s preizkusom še ne zajetih, a relevantnih konceptov v okviru migracijskih študij na osnovi terenskega raziskovanja na balkanski poti v zadnjih petih letih. Opravljena analiza je pokazala, da sta določujoči in odločilni prvini aktualnih ilegaliziranih migracij politična subjektiviteta in politično delovanje migrantov, kar v študijah migracij še ni zadostno pripoznano. S takšnim pripoznanjem postane migracija mesto artikulacije kritike globalnih odnosov neenakosti in mesto vključujoče družbene transformacije

Proučevali smo možnost uporabe slame za izdelavo ploščnega kompozita. Izdelali smo 4 vrste plošč, in sicer z gostoto 200, 300 in 400 kg/m3. Pri uporabi plošče iz slame, kot sredice za lahki ploščni kompozit, smo kot zunanji sloj uporabili 8 mm debelo iverno ploščo. Proučevali smo nabrek po 24-urni izpostavitvi vodi, tlačno trdnost, upogibno trdnost in prehod toplote. Ugotavljali smo tudi prehod toplote, in sicer smo plošče izpostavili temperaturam 40, 60 in 80 oC, oziroma temperaturnim razlikam 15, 35 in 55 oC. Ugotovili smo, da ima po 24-urni izpostavitvi vodi plošča z gostoto 200 kg/m3 večji nabrek od plošče z gostoto 400 kg/m3, kar je posledica bolj porozne strukture in lažjega ter hitrejšega prodiranja vode v ploščo. S pomočjo tlačne obremenitve smo ugotovili, da je najgostejša plošča na tlak najbolj odporna. Pri upogibni trdnosti imajo plošče z višjo gostoto višji modul elastičnosti in višjo upogibno trdnost. Najpočasneje je temperatura prehajala skozi ploščo gostote 300 kg/m3. We studied the possibility of using straw to manufacture the particle type boards. We made boards with density among 200 and 400 kg/m3. A board from straw was used as a core layer for lightweight panel, while 8 mm particleboard as a surface layer. Thickness swelling, compression strength, bending strength and heat conductivity were determined. Heat conductivity was determined by one sided exposure to 40, 60 and 80 °C. The temperature difference between 2 opposite sides was 15, 35 and 55 °C. We have determined that the board with density 200 kg/m3 swell more then denser boards. The highest resistance towards compression was observed at the boards with higher density, where also the highest bending strength was observed. Slowest increase in temperature was determined at boards with 300 kg/m3 density.

The current capitalist crisis is a crisis of the material and formal constitution of rule and an opportunity to establish a new one. The dynamics of the crisis once again pose the question of labour in the constitution of modern society. The author sketches the place labour occupied in the Rechtsstaat, the social state and finally the neoliberal state. He emphasises that passages in forms of the state depend on transformations of labour and stresses that labour in the post-modern constitution appears invisible and as a mystification. The author then analyses invisible labour in political economy and argues that the financialisation of the economy reveals a new nature of labour. The former is a symptom of the crisis of the valorisation of new productive subjects. The crisis is therefore leading to either a reformist or revolutionary alternative. Trenutna kriza kapitalizma je kriza materialne in formalne vladavine in možnost nastanka nove. Dinamika krize znova v ospredje postavlja vprašanje dela v konstituciji sodobne družbe. Avtor najprej sledi mestu, ki ga je delo zavzemalo v pravni, socialni in na koncu neoliberalni državi. Ob tem ugotavlja, da prehode v obliki oblasti določajo transformacije dela, in trdi, da je delo v postmoderni konstituciji obenem nevidno in mistificirano. Nato se loti nevidnega dela v politični ekonomiji in argumentira, da financializacija ekonomije razkriva novo naravo dela in da je njena trenutna kriza simptom krize valoriziranja novih produktivnih subjektov. Tako nosi kriza v sebi tako reformistično kot revolucionarno alternativo.

V besedilu skuša avtor definirati temeljne razsežnosti Foucaultovega pojmovanja oblasti. Ambicija pri tem je odkriti točko možnega preloma z vladajočim konsenzom v pojmovanju politike in političnega. Kot izhodišče so definirani temeljni elementi Foucaultove misli. Skozi ekstrapolacijo slednjih in skozi rekapitulacijo Foucaultovih del iz arheološkega in genealoškega opusa, avtor definira temeljne razsežnosti Foucaultovega koncepta oblasti in s tem posledično pojmovanja politike.

V zadnjih letih je obrobna finančna industrija postala ena najbolj hitro rastočih industrij na svetu. V baltskih državah so poleg drugih drugorazrednih posojil hitri krediti postali sopomenka za oderuške posojilne prakse, ki so se hitro razvile in razširile v prostoru, ki so ga razprli razni družbeni pretresi med finančno krizo leta 2008. V tej magistrski nalogi analiziram finančno industrijo preko teoretičnih raziskav nedavnega vala financializacije in neoliberalnega kapitalizma s podrobnejšim pogledom na režim podrejene financializacije, ki prevladuje v baltskih državah. Vzpon potrošniških kreditov in obrobnega financiranja je podprt z dvoumnimi političnimi navodili nadnacionalnih organizacij ali nacionalnih vlad pod izrazoma »Demokratizacija posojil« in »Finančna vključenost«. Vse večja odvisnost mnogih ljudi od posojil ni naključna in je tesno povezana z globokimi spremembami v delovnih razmerjih, krčenjem socialne države in procesi prekarizacije, ki postajajo sestavni del financializacije vsakdanjih in sodobnih oblik neoliberalne subjektivacije. In recent years the fringe finance industry became one of the largest growing industries globally. In the Baltic States among other sub-prime credit products, payday lending became synonymous with usurious lending practices which rapidly developed and spread in a space opened by various social shocks incurred during the financial crisis of 2008. In this work the rise and containment of fringe finance industry is analyzed through theoretical inquiries into recent wave of financialization and neoliberal capitalism with a closer look at the subordinated financialization regime prevalent in the Baltic States. The rise of consumer credit and fringe finance is supported by ambiguous policy prescriptions by supra-national organizations or national governments under the terms ‘Democratizations of Credit’ and ‘Financial Inclusion’. The ever-increasing reliance on credit by many people is not accidental and closely related to deep transformations in labour relations, retrenchment of welfare state and processes of precarization thus becoming integral part of financialization of everyday and contemporary forms of neoliberal subjectivation.

Ob prihodu na družboslovni faks sem želel najti teorijo človeka, ki mi bo omogočala gotovost, saj kako delati teorije družbe, če nimaš kvalitetne teorije posameznika? Kvalitetne teorije človeka nisem našel, sem pa sčasoma oblikoval teoretski model ter epistemologijo, ki se temu še najbolj približata, ne ker bi bili neizpodbitni, pač pa, ker mi omogočata večjo preciznost ob pregledu in gradnji teorij. Prav tako verjamem, da mi omogoča večjo mero vpogleda kot katerakoli do sedaj seznanjena epistemologija, kar je še posebno res na področju razumevanja človeka, kjer se nekatera znanstvena področja odpovedo teoriji zavesti ter jo nadomestijo s statistiko ali diagnozo zavesti, kar je uporabno, vendar za razumevanje preučevanega nezadovoljivo. Gematognozo ter z njo povezano teorijo nagnetene osebnosti uporabljam že leta, vendar sem jo želel predstaviti še ostalim in jo primerjati z ostalimi epistemologijami, tako da bi bralec lažje presojal med njimi. To sem storil skozi iskanje analiz ostalih epistemologij, analiz na njih osnovanih znanosti in primerjavo z lastno epistemologijo. Moja želja je, da sem področje analiziral dovolj dobro, da bo bralec želel gematognozo preizkusiti, prirediti ali vsaj zavreči s kar se da dobrimi argumenti. Menjava epistemologije zahteva ogromno truda, vendar če nič drugega bi rekel, da gematognoze niti pod razno ne bi želel menjati, četudi bi bil seveda nemudoma pripravljen preizkusiti novo epistemologijo, v kolikor bi mi obetala več. Preostanek življenja si želim živeti skozi vednost, ki mi omogoča kar se da veliko vznemirjenja in kar se da malo obžalovanja. At my arrival to the faculty of social sciences I wanted to make a theory of a human that would allow me a feeling of certainty. How does one create a theory of a society if one lacks a decent theory of an individual? I could not find a good enough theory of a human, but I did manage to create a theoretical model and an epistemology that is quite close to my desires, not because they would be irrefutable, but because they allow me more precision in my inspection and creation of theories. I also believe it allows me a higher degree of insight than any to me known epistemology so far, which is especially true in my understanding of a person, where some scientific fields do not establish a theory of consciousness and replace it with statistics or diagnosis of consciousness, which is useful but unsatisfactory for understanding of what is being studied. I have been using gematognosis and to it related theory of crowded personality for years, but I wanted to present it to others and compare it to other epistemologies so that the reader would have an easier time to compare them. I did this through my search for analyses of other epistemologies, analyses of sciences based upon them and a comparison with my own epistemology. I wish to have been able to analyse the field well enough for the reader to want to test the gematognosis, adjust it or at least discard it with as convincing arguments as possible. To change epistemology requires a tremendous amount of effort, but if nothing else I would say that I would not want to discard gematognosis, even if I would of course immediately be ready to try a new epistemology if it would look more promising. I would like to live the rest of my life through knowledge that allows me as much excitement and as little regret as possible.

Diplomska naloga poskuša opisati otroško migrantsko krizo na meji med Mehiko in ZDA, ki je dosegla svoj vrhunec v letih 2013 in 2014. Naloga obsega različna področja: zgodovinska dogajanja med Srednjo Ameriko in ZDA v 20. stoletju, opredelitev pojmov migracij ter razmere v Gvatemali, Hondurasu in Salvadorju. Pozornost usmerjamo tudi v vzroke migriranja iz izbranih držav. Predstavljamo dejavnike odbijanja (potiska) in privlačevanja (potega), ki so relevantni za izbrane države. Naslednje poglavje se osredotoča na zakonodajo ZDA o otrocih brez spremstva in na pristojne organe, ki obravnavajo otroke brez spremstva. Prikazujemo tudi odzive ZDA, predvsem politike vodilnih oseb (predsednikov). Predzadnje poglavje predstavlja glavne ugotovitve in odgovore na postavljena raziskovalna vprašanja. Zaključek temelji na povzetku teoretičnih ugotovitev in na lastnem razmišljanju. Cilj naloge je odgovoriti na glavno postavljeno raziskovalno vprašanje: Ali je nasilje eden izmed najpogostejših razlogov odhoda otrok iz njihovih matičnih držav? The dissertation is trying to describe the child migration crisis on the border between Mexico and USA, which reached it's highest point in the years 2013 and 2014. The dissertation comprises different areas: historical developments between Central America and the US in the 20th century, the definitions of migration, and also the situation in Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador. We also focus on the causes of migration from selected countries. We present the factors of bumper (puch) and attraction (pull) relevant to selected countries. The next section focuses on US legislation of unaccompanied children and the competent authorities that treat unaccompanied children. We also show the US response, especially the policies of senior executives (presidents). The penultimate chapter presents the main findings and answers to the research questions raised. The conclusion is based on a summary of theoretical findings and our own thinking. In the assignment we will try to portray violence as the most common reason for the departure of these children from their countries of origin. The aim of the paper is to answer the main research question: Is violence one of the most common reasons for children leaving their countries of origin?

Namen diplomske naloge je analizirati pomen termina evgenika v različnih časovnih obdobjih in političnih sistemih. Za primer bomo vzeli evgeniko v nacistični Nemčiji in evgeniko, kot jo razumemo danes v liberalni demokraciji. V diplomski nalogi bomo raziskali nastajajoč, če ne že obstoječ problem vpliva liberalne evgenike na enakost in človekove pravice. Za lažje razumevanje bomo najprej opisali ključne pojme, kot so evgenika in liberalna demokracija ter zgodovinsko ozadje. Evgenika ima negativen prizvok predvsem zaradi časov nacistične Nemčije in množičnih pobojev pod zastavo evgenike. V današnjem času se evgenika v državah z liberalno demokracijo pojavlja predvsem v nežnejših niansah, kot so prenatalno in kasnejše testiranje za različne genetske okvare in druge bolezni. Da govorimo o evgeničnih tehnikah kaže predvsem dejstvo, da se ob sumu na kakršnokoli nepravilnost zarodka svetuje splav. Diplomska naloga raziskuje tudi morebiten rezultat evgeničnega početja, če se bo nadaljevalo v takem tempu. Znani so že poskusi obdelave zarodkov, da bi dosegli željene lastnosti pri otroku. Takšno početje lahko še bolj poveča razkorak med premožnejšimi in običajnimi ljudmi, povečala pa bi se tudi nestrpnost do kakorkoli drugačnih. Ostaja pa seveda vprašanje v kolikšni meri je genetika sploh pomembna in kakšno vlogo pri tem igra okolje. The purpose of this research paper is to analyze the meaning of the term eugenic in different time periods and political systems. For example, we will take eugenics in Nazi Germany and eugenics as we understand it today in liberal democracy. This research paper will investigate the emerging, if not already existing, problem of the influence of the liberal eugenics on equality and human rights. In order to facilitate understanding, we will first describe key terms such as the eugenics and liberal democracy and its historical background. Eugenics has a negative reference mainly because of the times of Nazi Germany and massive killing under the flag of Eugenics. Nowadays, the eugenics in countries with liberal democracy appears mainly in gentle shades, such as prenatal and later testing for various genetic disorders and other diseases. That we can talk about eugenic techniques is mainly indicated by the fact that when there is a suspicion of any abnormality of the fetus abortus is advised. The diploma thesis also explores the possible result of eugenics if it continues at such a pace. Embryo processing attempts have already been made to achieve the desired features in the child. Such an act can further increase the gap between richer and more ordinary people and intolerance to somehow different people would be increased. Of course, the question remains to what extent genetics is important and what role the environment plays in this.

Termin samoodločbe je zapisan v ustanovitvenih dokumentih večine državnih ustav ter mednarodnega prava, prav tako pa predstavlja sredstvo za legitimizacijo države ter nadnacionalnega reda. Točna definicija in njeni parametri pa so v resnici stvar debate, ne glede na to ali izhajajo iz logike notranjosti državniškega sistema ali iz logike njegove zunanjosti. Magistrsko delo najprej sledi “klasičnemu” pojmu samoodločbe v njegovi zgodovinski partikularnosti znotraj mednarodnega sistema, pri čemer poudari veliko napetost med samoodločbo in državno suverenostjo. Nakar se obrne h kritični politični teoriji, da bi izkopalo definicijo samoodločbe, pri kateri popusti poseben odnos samoodločbe z državnim sistemom in pojmom suverenosti. Takšno pojmovanje samoodločbe je za potrebe naloge poimenovano “rizomatično” in se nato uporabi pri analizi štirih primerov z namenom, da se pokaže, kako lahko tak pojem samoodločbe uporabimo za razumevanje možnosti, ki jih vzpostavljajo najnovejša politična gibanja. Temeljni argument magistrskega dela je, da ko jih razumemo v okvirju državnega sistema kot sedanjo ali prihodnjo “aktivno” pravico, se dejanja samoodločbe zreducirajo na normativni determinizem zgodovinsko kontingentnih odnosov sil, saj se bodisi ujamejo v pogoje obstoječih dejavnikov znotraj konstituiranega sistema bodisi njihovo uresničitev pogojuje učinkovitost sile, ki jo lahko izvršujejo, da bi izničili funkcije sistema, ki slonijo na obstoječih pravilih. Ko pa jo razumemo onkraj zaprte logike državnega sistema, lahko samoodločba pomeni izražanje neomejene konstituirajoče oblasti in kolektivne imaginacije, ki sprosti nove vektorje možnosti človeških političnih odnosov. The notion of ‘self-determination’ is enshrined in the founding documents of international law and most state constitutions as a means of legitimating the current state and supranational order. However, its precise definition and parameters are the subject of debate—both when understood from within the logic of the state system and from outside it. This thesis situates the “classic” notion of self-determination within its particular historical position inside the international system, highlighting its deep tension with the norm of state sovereignty, before turning to critical political theory to unearth a definition of self-determination wherein its particular relationship to the state system and the total notion of sovereignty is relaxed. This conception of self-determination is, for the purposes of this thesis, termed ‘rhizomatic,’ and applied to four case studies to demonstrate how it might be used to understand the possibilities created by recent political movements. The primary argument of this thesis is that, when understood inside the state system as a present or future ‘active’ right, acts of determination reduce to the normative determinism of historically contingent relations of force because they are either resolved on the terms of existing actors within the constituted system or by the effectiveness of force they can exert to deny the system’s function based on its previous rules. However, when understood beyond the closed logic of the state system, self-determination can be taken to mean manifestations of boundless constitutive power and collective imagination that unleash new vectors of possibility for human political relations.