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Öngörülmesi giderek güçleşen, sarsıntılı ve savrulmalı zamanlardan geçiyoruz. İkinci Dünya Savaşı ve Soğuk Savaş ortak deneyimleri sonrasında 1950’lerden ve 1990’lardan itibaren demokratik sistemlerin peş peşe dalgalarla meşrulaşacağı, yaygınlaşacağı ve güçleneceği öngörüsü hakimdi. Ancak son yıllarda yaşanan bazı gelişmelerle demokrasilerin geleceği tekrar sorgulanmaya başladı. Gerek 11 Eylül ile başlayan ve IŞİD ile devam eden ve şiddet içeren İslamcı radikalizm, gerek Batı demokrasilerinde popülist radikal sağ hareketlerin ve beyaz ırkçı grupların yükselişi ve iktidara gelişi, bir yandan güvenlik-özgürlük ikileminin demokrasi dengesini bozdu, bir yandan da hem demokratik sistemlerin hem dünya barışının geleceğini bizi tekrar sorgular, sorgulatır hale getirdi. Demokrasileri bildiğimizi zannediyoruz, ama demokrasiler ile ilgili daha öğrenmemiz gereken çok şey var. Demokrasi kaderimiz de geleceğimiz de olmak zorunda değil belki de. Ya da belki yanlış yerden soru sormaya başlıyoruz, belki demokrasi yerine yeni bir referansa ihtiyacımız var. Aslında demokrasileri çantada keklik görmeyip, sabırla büyütüp yeşertmek, geliştirmek, korumak, ileri safhalara taşımak ve bizden sonraki nesillere aktarmak bir sorumluluk, ve bu sorumluluk bizlere ait. Popülizm, demokrasi, güvenlik kavramlarının her biri bugün sıkça ve yaygın olarak kullandığımız kavramlar olarak gündelik sohbetlerimizin içine kadar girmiş durumda. Bu yaygın kullanımlarına rağmen her bir kavram, üzerine düşünmeye, tartışmaya ve değerlendirmeye tekrar tekrar olanak verecek derinlikte. Her bir tartışma bir diğerini açarken, farklı gibi görünen bu kavramların birbirleriyle kesiştikleri zeminler bulmak mümkün. Popülist liderlerin politikaları bütün siyaset yapma biçimlerini kendine çeken ya da kendinden uzaklaştıran eksenler yaratarak her ikisini de aynı anda besleyebiliyor. Popülist politikaya angaje olan liderler ve grupların yanında bu politikaya karşı mücadele eden kişiler ve kitleler de yok değil, ancak kimi zaman bu kitleler eleştirdiği bu siyaset biçiminin kurucu öznesi haline de gelebiliyor. Bunun karşısında tabandan gelen demokratikleşme talepleri ve popülist siyasetle beraber kurumsallaşan diğer politika yapma biçimleri, demokrasi anlayışımızı farklı yönlere çekebiliyor. Bu demokratikleşme talepleri kimi zaman olumlu karşılıklar alsa da, kimi zaman devletlerin güvenlik politikaları ile etkisizleştirilmeye ve bastırılmaya çalışılıyor. Güvenlik politikalarının alanı günümüz teknolojisi sebebiyle o kadar genişledi ki, bu politikanın nesnesi haline gelmemiş varlık ve alan bulmak neredeyse mümkün değil. Ulusaldan Küresele: Popülizm, Demokrasi, Güvenlik konferansımız bu alanların kendine özgülüklerini göz önünde bulundururken, aralarındaki kesişimleri de ortaya koyan pek çok değerli sunuma ev sahipliği yaptı. Konferansın düzenlenmesinde emeği geçen herkese, ve bu bildiri kitabında tam metinleri ve özetleri bulunan bütün katılımcılarımıza çok teşekkür ederiz. Publisher's Version

[No abstract available] Publisher's Version

The Kurdish question has been a source of domestic conflict since the inception of the Turkish Republic. It has been one of the mostly securitized issues in domestic politics. Despite the continuation of the securitizing agenda, and years of denial by the state, in the mid-1990s alternative discourses on the cultural rights of the Kurds started to emerge. The AK Party government departed from previous attitudes by repeatedly emphasizing the Kurds' right to express their culture and identity. 'I his article analyzes the developments regarding the Kurdish issue during the AK Party government and asks whether they can be seen as a desecuritization process. 'I he article argues that although there are significant signs of desecuritization, 'Turkey continues to swing between forces, agendas, and actors of securitization and desecuritization when it comes to the Kurdish issue. Publisher's Version Q4 WOS:000454580000005

This report from the field analyzes the extent to which local authorities in England and Wales have responded to the e-democracy agenda by examining their Web sites and assessing their potential to deliver democracy. The analysis of Web sites provides a powerful insight into how local government is using the Internet to promote democracy. Two aspects of Web site use are particularly significant. First, the analysis reveals the overall commitment to e-democracy in local government, as it is a measure of actual behavior rather than simply an attitudinal survey. Second, it highlights the types of democratic structure being supported and the values being emphasized in the implementation of e-democracy. The research demonstrated that the potential of the Internet for enhancing democracy is not fully exploited by local authorities and there remain considerable variations between different authorities. Publisher's Version

A multi-level governance (MLG) framework is used to investigate how municipalities in Turkey have coped with the arrival of 3.6 million Syrians amid limited resources, an ambiguous legal framework, and changing national policy priorities. Qualitative research in Istanbul, which hosts the largest number of refugees, shows how municipalities have generated capacity by working with actors at other governance levels and in non-governmental spaces, via formal and informal networks. MLG arrangements did not however imply the retreat of a powerful central state. Rather, they were decisively influenced by existing power relations and governing traditions, specifically a strong state, weak local government, and mistrust of civil society. The research illuminates the complex, and sometimes surprising, relationships between tiers and spheres of governance in shaping local responses to refugee needs. The research demonstrates the explanatory power of MLG in a highly centralized unitary state, outside of the democratic (and mostly federal) contexts where it is usually applied.

[No abstract available] TEKNOLOJİ, SAVUNMA YÖNETİMİ VE SİBER GÜVENLİK Savunma Yönetimi ve Güvenlik Analizinde Büyük Veri Kullanımı: Military Big Data Örneği Siber Güvenlik Karar Verme Süreçleri Perspektifinden Siber Uzayda Belirsizliğin Değerlendirilmesi Siber Güvenlik ve Ulus Devlet: Stuxnet Üzerine Bir İnceleme TÜRKİYE’DE SAVUNMA SANAYİ VE SİYASETE YANSIMALARI Otonomlaşmanın Savunma Sanayiinin Güvenlik Politikalarındaki Rolüne Etkisi Yerli ve Milli: Türk Savunma Sanayinde Kendi Kendine Yeterlilik Hedefinin Değişmezliği Türkiye'nin Afrika'ya Yönelik İnsani Dış Politikasında Savunma Sanayi DİJİTAL PAZARLAMA UYGULAMALARI, BLOCKCHAIN VE TEDARİK ZİNCİRLERİ Blokzincir Teknolojisi ve Pazarlamadaki Uygulamaları Pazarlamada Yapay Zeka Uygulamaları Blockchain's Utilization in Food Supply Chain TEKNOLOJİ İKTİSADINDA KURAM, YÖNTEM VE TARTIŞMALAR İktisatta Dijitalleşmenin Ölçümü Dijital Otoriterleşme ve İktisadi Tekelleşme İlişkisi: Blockchain Piyasasının Merkez(i)sizliği Üzerine Bir Deneme Merkeziyetsiz Sistemlerde Yönetim ve Dijital Finans Teknolojik İlerleme ve Kar Oranı Arasındaki İlişki İMPARATORLUK'TAN CUMHURİYET'E TEKNOLOJİ VE ALTYAPI Teknoloji, Siyaset ve Toplum: Erken Cumhuriyet Döneminde Elektrik Enerjisi Üretim, Dağıtım ve Tüketimine Dair Siyasi Tartışmalar ve Toplumsal Talepler Teknoloji Transferinin Ekonomi-Politiği: Türkiye Haberleşme Şebekesi Örneği Son Dönem Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda Kamu Sağlığının Korunmasına Yönelik Kullanılan Teknolojiler Son Dönem Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda Gözetleme ve Kimliğin Kayıt Altına Alınmasında Fotoğraf Kullanımı YENİ TEKNOLOJİLER, İŞGÜCÜ VE EMEK SÜREÇLERİNDE EŞİTSİZLİK İş Dünyasında Teknoloji ile Birlikte Gelişen Yeni Beceriler ve İşgücünde Dijital Eşitsizlikler Türkiye İşgücü Piyasasında İş ve Ücret Kutuplaşması Uzaktan Çalışma: Bir İktidar Pratiği Dijital Çalışma Platformlarının Toplumsal Cinsiyet Eşitliğine Etkisi DIGITAL TRANSFORMATION IN POLITICS, ECONOMICS AND SOCIETY Digital Surveillance during COVID-19 Pandemic: The Case of Israel Emerging Digital Transformation Tools in Adapting Post-COVID-19 Sharing Economy Practices as a Part of Social Innovations in Turkey To Be New or Not To Be New: New Social Movements in the Internet Arena TOPLUMSAL HAREKETLERİN SINIRLARI, HEGEMONYA VE MEŞRUİYET KRİZİ Dönüşen Bir Hegemonya Biçimi - Dijital Hegemonya: Cambridge Analytica Olayı Neoliberal Kapitalizmin Meşruiyet Krizi ve Tekno-Feodalizm Tartışmaları Büyük Veri Çağında Toplumsal Hareketlerin Sınırlılıkları ve Dijital Gözetimin Artan Etkisi Dijital Feminist Aktivizm: Türkiye'de Sivil Toplumdan Örnekler DİJİTALLEŞEN SANAT, İLETİŞİM, VE BİREY Yaratıcı Makinelerin İnsan Sanatına Müdahalesi Üzerine Bir İnceleme Metaverse Evreni ve Bireyselleşme Sorununun Sinema Perspektifinden İncelenmesi Dijital Sanatın Gelişimi ve Dijital Müzeler: Dijital Sanat ve Dijital Sanat Müzesi Örnekleri Sosyal Ağlarda Kuralları Değiştiren İletişim Konsepti: Sanal Fenomenler DİJİTALLEŞEN DÜNYADA BİREY DAVRANIŞLARI Ergenlerde Dijital Oyun Bağımlılık Düzeyinin Çeşitli Sosyodemografik Özelliklere Göre İncelenmesi Endüstri 4.0 Bağlamında Öğrenilmiş Güçlülük ve Karar Verme İlişkisinde Algılanan Stres ve Belirsizliğe Tahammülsüzlüğün Rolü Dijitalleşen Dünyada Güvenliğin Tarihsel Sosyolojisi: Ontolojik Güvenliğin Başat Analiz Birimi Olarak İnsan DİJİTAL DÖNÜŞÜM, DİPLOMASİ VE ULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLER NATO as a Global Cybersecurity Power Siber-Ulus: Dijital Egemenlik Alanı, Barbados Metaverse Elçiliği Örneği Toplumlararası Diyaloğun Geliştirilmesinde Sosyal Medyanın Rolü Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme: Unite Cyprus Now Örneği Dijitalleşen Jeo-Politika TEKNOLOJİ ÇAĞINDA DEĞİŞEN DEVLET, SİYASET VE ADALET The Cyber Age of "Post-Truth" Consciences: Faiths and the Matter of Economic Justice Digitizing Leviathan, Remaking the Body Politic: A Study of E-Governance and Citizenship in the Turkish Context Dijital Çağda ‘Gönüllü Kulluk E-Demokrasi, Siyasi Sosyal Çalışma ve 21. Yüzyıl Siyasetinde Katılım

This research was funded by British Academy Research Grant NAFR1180177. Although 98% of Turkey’s 3.6 million Syrian refugees live outside camps, municipalities lack formal authority to initiate policies, while receiving no government funding for refugees. Drawing on interpretive policy analysis (IPA), the article unpacks the empirical puzzle of how formally weak local governments respond to refugee needs. IPA expects policy to be constituted through diverse sets of local meanings. Case studies in three districts in Istanbul revealed distinctive local narratives, some of which consolidated the national agenda of ‘hospitality’ while others focused on equal rights and integration. Municipal narratives reflected particular local contexts, selectively mobilizing deeper governing traditions. Local interpretations were enacted in specific approaches to refugee service delivery. Working with local NGOs, municipalities accessed international funds, despite national government’s vociferous critique of EU refugee policy. Even in an increasingly authoritarian setting, refugee policy was being constituted through multiple and contingent processes of local government interpretation. Publisher's Version Q2 WOS:000579896800001

Text in English ; Abstract: English and Turkish Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-158) xi, 159 leaves This study takes the tweets shared by 45th president of the United States Donald Trump and Italian populist leader Matteo Salvini throughout 2018, to conduct a manual comparative content analysis in order to identify the main characteristics of their antiimmigration discourse on social media. The analysis aims to answer the following research question: How did Donald Trump and Matteo Salvini use Twitter as a platform for antiimmigration discourse in 2018? The ultimate goal is to consider the two leaders’ anti-immigration discourse in order to identify the specific textual elements and emotional tone used to mention immigration and refugees in order to recognize the dominant frames and narratives employed. This includes the attempt to also determine the emotional tone, attitudes and opinions used to address immigration and immigrants by both leaders. The results indicate that the online anti-immigration discourse of the two political leaders included the identification of immigrants as an economic burden, as potential threats and, in general, as scapegoats of different issues. Few recent studies have addressed the characteristics of online popülist communication in relation to a specific topic, especially not through the manual comparative content analysis of two political leaders coming from very different backgrounds. The purpose of this research is to fill this gap by supplying a framework for the analysis of the populist anti-immigration discourse on social media. This work suggests that social media can be used as a tool by populist leaders to construct an antiimmigration discourse that relies on the creation of a hostile narrative, a derogatory language and occasional mockery. Bu çalışma, Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nin 45. Başkanı Donald Trump ve İtalyan popülist lider Matteo Salvini’nin 2018 yılı boyunca paylaştığı tweetleri ele alarak sosyal medyadaki göçmenlik karşıtı söylemlerinin temel özelliklerini belirlemek için manuel bir karşılaştırmalı içerik analizi yapmıştır. Bu tezin dayandığı araştırma sorusu şu şekilde ifade edilebilir: Donald Trump ve Matteo Salvini, 2018’de göçmenlik karşıtı söylemler için Twitter’ı bir platform olarak nasıl kullandı? Araştırmanın amacı, kullanılan dominant çerçeveleri ve anlatıları ortaya çıkarmak, göç ve mültecilerden bahsederken kullanılan spesifik metinsel unsurları ve duygusal tonu belirleyebilmek için iki liderin göçmenlik karşıtı söylemini analiz etmektir. Buna her iki liderin göç ve göçmenlere ilişkin olarak kullandığı dil ve bu dilin duygusal tonu ile, tutumları ve görüşleri belirleme girişimi de dahildir. Araştırma, iki siyasi liderin göçmenlere ilişkin çevrimiçi söyleminin göçmenleri ekonomik bir yük, potansiyel bir güvenlik tehditi ve genel olarak tüm sorunların günah keçisi olarak çerçevelenmesine dayandığını ortaya çıkarmıştır. Son zamanlarda yapılan az sayıdaki araştırma, spesifik konulardaki popülist iletişim özelliklerine atıfta bulunmuş, ancak bunu özellikle çok farklı sosyal altyapılardan gelen iki siyasi liderin sosyal medya paylaşımlarının kıyaslamalı içerik analizi yöntemini kullanarak yapmamıştır. Bu araştırmanın amacı, sosyal medyadaki popülist göç karşıtı söylemin analizi için bir çerçeve sağlayarak bu boşluğu doldurmaktır. POPULISM Origins and Main Attributes Modern Populism and Different Interpretations Italy Matteo Salvini The United States Donald Trump SOCIAL MEDIA Innovations: Potential and Limitations Social Media, Populism and The Emotional Dimension The Italian Case The American Case Fake News, Hate Speech, Disinformation MIGRATION The Criminalization Of Humanitarian Actors and Solidarity The Securitization of Migration The Ties Between Populism and Immigration METHODOLOGY Research Component and Research Methodology Research Question Data First Stage Analysis: Matteo Salvini Second Stage Analysis: Donald Trump Reliability and Validity RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Analysis of Matteo Salvini’s Tweets Analysis of Donald Trump’s Tweets Discussion

The implications of technology have been widely acknowledged in international relations. Studies ranging from the causes of war and military effectiveness to terrorism and nuclear proliferation have explored how technology shapes international politics. However, the implications of technology in domestic politics have not been scrutinised much. This paper helps fill this vacuum through an analysis of Turkey's civil-military relations. Although civilian control over the Turkish military has improved in the past decade, this process has not been smooth. With a focus on the recent court cases involving the military, the 2007 e-memorandum and the transfer of electronic military intelligence apparatus to the civilian authority, this paper demonstrates how technology has become an important domain for civil-military relations in Turkey. Publisher's Version

Turkey hosts the world's largest community of displaced Syrians. According to UNHCR, there are more than 3 million registered Syrians in Turkey as of 2018. Since the beginning of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has followed an open-door policy, which was accompanied by a discourse emphasizing religious solidarity and humanitarian values. However, the arrival of Syrian refugees has become entangled with the existing identity debates and conflicts in Turkish politics. The AKP's discourse on Syrian refugees has become intertwined with its positive self-representation as the defender of all oppressed people (mazlum) and its attempts to reconstruct the Turkish nation along more Islamic lines. The article analyses parliamentary debates and presidential speeches in order to unravel AKP discourses on Syrian refugees. Drawing upon the Discourse Historical Approach in Critical Discourse Analysis, the article puts forward two arguments. First, the refugee issue has become a constitutive component of AKP identity and a discursive tool to reconstruct the nation along more Islamic lines. Second, Turkey's refugee policy has become a source of pride and enabled the AKP to claim moral superiority both vis-a-vis the West and its political opponents at home. Publisher's Version

[No abstract available] Publisher's Version WOS:000331554900013

Underrepresentation of women in Turkish politics is well documented. This is evident in the numbers of women in key decision-making positions, including the Parliament. The role of women's NGOs is significant in educating, motivating and mobilizing women to participate in politics. These organizations increasingly use the Internet for mobilization, opinion formation, recruitment, networking, lobbying and fundraising. The paper explores the extent to which and the ways in which Ka-der as a WNGOs is affected by the Internet, both in terms of its structure and operation, including its relationships with members and adherents and in the way Ka-der communicates with external actors, such as similar organizations, potential members, politicians and the media. We argue that different functions of WNGOs are supported asymmetrically by the Internet. While the e-mail group is mostly used for internal purposes, the website and the use of social media serve to enhance links with the outside environment. Publisher's Version Author Copy

Ortadoğu asırlar boyu uluslararası siyasetin merkezinde yer almış, araştırmacı ve siyaset yapıcıların ilgi odağı olmuştur. Bu ilgiye rağmen, 2010 yılında başlayan ve ‘Arap Baharı’ olarak adlandırılan halk ayaklanmaları ve bu çerçevede yaşanan siyasal, ekonomik ve sosyal dönüşümler siyasetçiler ve sosyal bilimciler tarafından öngörülememiş ve mevcut varsayımları derinden sarsmıştır. Bir yandan demokratikleşme hareketleri ve ekonomik bir dönüşüm yaşayan bölge, diğer yandan iç çatışmaların, darbelerin ve vekalet savaşlarının merkezi haline gelmiş, ve tüm bu gelişmeler yeni yaklaşımları ve analizleri gerekli kılmıştır. Bu çerçevede Işık Üniversitesi Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü, Arap Baharı’yla başlayan süreçte bölgede gözlemlenen yeni toplumsal, ekonomik, iç ve dış siyasal dinamikleri akademik alanda tartışmaya açmak amacıyla ‘Yeni Ortadoğu’ başlıklı bir konferans düzenledi. Bu konferans çerçevesinde 24-25 Mart 2016 tarihlerinde Maslak Kampüsü’nde bizzat sunulan ve tam metin olarak bize iletilen bildirilerden bu kitabı oluşturduk. Publisher's Version

This article explores the patterns of the digital divide in Turkey and analyzes policies related to this issue. Our analysis reveals that the digital disparities are interwoven with other social inequalities. This finding is parallel to the conclusions of previous research which suggests that digital exclusion can have a 'reinforcing' effect on social and/or economic inequalities. Having considered the current range of policies targeting either ICT access or skills, we argue that techno-centric solutions with huge budgets occupy the policy agenda at the expense of more sophisticated programs that take into account the social context of digital exclusion. These policies fail to address the most disadvantaged groups. Those who are old, disabled, female and reside in rural areas are less likely to be internet users and existing policies do not reach out to these groups. Publisher's Version Author Copy

In recent years, there has been a notable softening in Turkey's foreign policy toward Syria and Iran. How might we explain the change in Turkey's attitude toward these two countries considering the hostile relations of the 1990s and the worsening security situation in the Middle East? Drawing upon securitization theory, this article argues that domestic problems have influenced Turkey's foreign policy toward Iran and Syria in the past, as foreign policymakers have successfully externalized the sources of political Islam and Kurdish separatism. The remarkable softening of Turkey's foreign policy toward Syria and Iran since the beginning of the present decade can best be explained by looking at changes at the domestic level, particularly in terms of the process of desecuritization currently taking place within Turkey. Among other things, this process of desecuritization is the result of the European Union accession process and concomitant steps toward democratization, a transformation of the political landscape, and the appropriation of EU norms and principles in regional politics. Within this process of desecuritization and democratization, formerly securitized and dramatized issues have begun to be perceived as normal political issues. As a result, the policymaking process is now emancipated from ideational barriers, while there has been a substantial increase in the flexibility of foreign policy attitudes and the ability of foreign policymakers to maneuver in regional policy. Publisher's Version Q1 WOS:000260340500002

This report from the field analyzes the extent to which local authorities in England and Wales have responded to the e-democracy agenda by examining their Web sites and assessing their potential to deliver democracy. The analysis of Web sites provides a powerful insight into how local government is using the Internet to promote democracy. Two aspects of Web site use are particularly significant. First, the analysis reveals the overall commitment to e-democracy in local government, as it is a measure of actual behavior rather than simply an attitudinal survey. Second, it highlights the types of democratic structure being supported and the values being emphasized in the implementation of e-democracy. The research demonstrated that the potential of the Internet for enhancing democracy is not fully exploited by local authorities and there remain considerable variations between different authorities. Publisher's Version

The article links the literatures on citizenship studies and electronic democracy by analyzing the extent to which theories and practices of citizenship are being transformed in the age of the Internet. Distinguishing between the different citizenship traditions of liberal-individualism and civic-republicanism, we analyze the interplay between generic technological tools and the divergent historical legacies of citizenship in Turkey and Britain. Based on our analysis of governmental portals, main e-government applications, and censorship and surveillance practices, we argue that new information and communication technologies (ICTs) serve the states' interests by enabling increased surveillance capabilities, more efficient bureaucracy, better border controls and criminal investigations. In both countries, citizens benefit from electronic service-delivery applications primarily as consumers of public services, while their role as citizens are not particularly enhanced. Parallel to these convergence tendencies, we observe striking differences in the way electronic citizenship is practiced in these two countries, stemming from different traditions of citizenship as well as different levels of democracy consolidation. Despite some of the transformative power of the ICTs, their use is largely shaped by the existing understandings of citizenship in both countries. Publisher's Version

On 22 July 2007, 84% of the Turkish public went to polling stations to cast their votes in General Election. The incumbent Justice and Development Party (AKP) won a landslide victory, receiving 47% of the vote, the largest share since the elections of 1957. The political debate before the elections focused on two issues: the election of the next president and a potential military incursion into Northern Iraq. These issues have become deeply ingrained into the two main ongoing salient issues in Turkey: political Islam and the Kurdish issue. Drawing upon concepts from Securitisation Theory, this article argues that the election results can be explained by reference to Turkey's longstanding regime problems and the perceptions of these problems by the public. An analysis of the securitisation and desecuritisation of political Islam and the Kurdish issue provides insights into the understanding of the election results and its implications for the future of democracy in Turkey. Publisher's Version Q3 WOS:000261997800009

In this article, we will focus on the role of political transformation and reform in the emergence of a new foreign policy line in Turkey. We hold the idea that Turkey adopted a new course in forei...

There is a growing literature exploring the role of the Internet in influencing levels and styles of political participation. However, it is not yet clear why the Internet is perceived as a medium that can, at least potentially, increase participation. Moreover, putting the emphasis on the Internet as a technology rather than on its information and communication capabilities signals a tendency for technological determinism. In order to avoid this, the article explores the relation between the Internet and political participation by examining three different facets of the Internet: the Internet as an information source, as a communication medium and as a virtual public sphere. The main argument of the article is that it is these facets of the Internet that may affect levels and styles of political participation and hence are of interest for political scientists. The article also emphasizes the relevance of established theories of participation within political science in evaluating the potential role of the Internet for affecting levels and styles of political participation. Publisher's Version Q3 WOS:000233823100001