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Globalization is characterized by increasing flows of capital and labor across the boundaries of nation-states. This study assesses the role of foreign investment in the primary and secondary sectors on the level of international emigration from less-developed countries. Contemporary theoretical explanations of international migration are reviewed, and a theory of the relationship between foreign investment and international migration is posited. We use random-effects regression models that control for unobserved heterogeneity to analyze an unbalanced cross-national panel data set of 59 cases between 1975 and 2000, and control for other relevant variables. The central findings are that foreign investment in the primary sector increases the level of net emigration over a ten-year period, while foreign investment in the secondary sector has no consistent effect. The implications of the findings are discussed in the context of contemporary migration policies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is to connect the macro-level processes of the global economy to the local processes of civil society. More specifically, we explore the impact of certain dimensions of "globalization" on two aspects of civil society; corruption and civil unrest. We begin with a theoretical discussion of the mechanisms by which these global and local processes are linked. Next, a series of quantitative cross-national analyses are presented that find both beneficial and deleterious effects of these global processes on civil society. We close with case studies of two countries, Argentina and Thailand, which give substance to these cross-national findings. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the impact of three aspects of foreign investment dependence on carbon dioxide emissions between 1980 and 1996; foreign capital penetration, foreign investment concentration, and foreign subsidiary growth. In a cross-national panel regression analysis of 30 countries between 1980 and 1996, we find that foreign investment concentration and the growth of foreign subsidiaries have significant positive effects on growth of CO2 emissions. We suggest several reasons for these findings. In broad terms, the dominance of foreign investment and foreign subsidiaries limits the state's ability to pursue economic policies in its own interests, including those regarding environmental degradation. The ability to manipulate state policy may encourage transnational corporations to relocate their more highly polluting industries to these "weak" countries. Further, foreign investment is more concentrated in those industries that require more energy. Also, the movement of inputs and outputs resulting from the global dispersion of production over the past 30 years is likely to be more energy-expensive in countries with poorer infrastructure. Finally, power generation in the countries receiving foreign investment is considerably less efficient than within the countries of the core. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After a relatively short-lived era of "peace bonus," global military expenditures once again have escalated sharply despite some worldwide declines in military personnel. Fears of the return of a permanent war economy raise related concerns over the impacts of military spending on a range of domestic consequences, especially economic growth. Theorizations on the economic impacts of military spending greatly differ and include arguments that it either improves domestic economic performance or crowds out growth inducing processes. Empirical findings on this matter are inconclusive. Our research explores a new dimension of military spending that may help to clarify this issue— military expenditures per soldier (MEPS). This variable captures the capital intensiveness of a country's military organization. In a series of cross-national panel regression analyses of 71 countries from 1990 to 1997, authors find that military expenditures per soldier inhibit the growth of per capita GNP, net of control variables. These effects are most pronounced in the least developed countries. Subsequent analyses indicate that MEPS inhibits national development by slowing the expansion of the labor force. We argue that a relatively capital-intensive military organization limits the entry opportunities for unskilled and under- or unemployed people for whom a more labor intensive military had previously provided a pathway for upward mobility. It may also reduce the investment capital available for more economically productive opportunities than that generated by investments in military hardware. This is especially evident in the least developed countries, which may not benefit at all from the economic spin-offs of investment in military technology and production. Finally, we consider avenues for further research on the longer term effects of these processes on social welfare, income inequality and social integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research moves the world?s great cities to the center of contemporary debates about globalization. We use a social network approach, viewing cities as important nodes in a worldwide web of exchanges. Our central questions include: Which cities are more central in the network of world cities? Which are peripheral? Is the network of cities growing more tightly integrated over recent time? Do cities? roles in the global network reflect those of the nations in which they are located, or are they becoming independent of national trajectories? Finally, how is social life within cities influenced by their role in the global network? The research will use formal network techniques to analyze data on flows of airline passengers and air cargo between all pairs of some 150-200 cities, comparing patterns in 1990 to those in 2000. The study will evaluate untested theoretical claims about the social consequences of global positioning of cities on social structural change within them. It will contribute to scholarly as well as popular debates about globalization. At the same time, it will begin to build a world city network database that will be available to other scholars. We also hope to contribute to a number of important public policies debates, as well. The data and results should be relevant to discussions of and nation-based strategies for global economic competitiveness, the role for ?the state? in promoting development, possible trade offs between growth and polarization/ inequality, and long-term challenges presented by emergent patterns and processes of globalization at the beginning of the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of hegemony, or global dominance, has been debated for decades among scholars and across academic disciplines. There is little agreement as to the meaning of this term, and few efforts to quantify it. This research attempts to accomplish both. I argue two basic points. First, that global hegemony is comprised of two essential components, economic power and coercive (military) power. Second, I argue that coercive power is best understood as a characteristic of nation-states, while economic power is a function of transnational corporations. I follow this theoretical discussion with a quantification of these concepts from 1970 to 2000, identifying both a taxonomy and a hierarchy of nation-state power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research evaluates the empirical evidence of an emerging transnational corporate community over the past twenty-five years. In a study of the Fortune Global 500 between 1983 and 1998, we find a dramatic increase in the number of transnational interlocking directorates. We also find that these global firms are more likely to form networks with other large transnational companies irrespective of geographical location, rather than forming domestically based networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of military expenditures has reemerged over the past few years as an area of study in the sociological literature. Recent studies have focused on the impact of military expenditures on economic development, inequality, and health. However, little attention has been paid to the underlying social, political, and military dynamics that drive these expenditures. This paper explores these dynamics, with special focus on the determinants of high tech, capital-intensive expenditures that have escalated worldwide over the past thirty years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military expenditures have escalated over the last three decades in both developed and less developed countries, without a corresponding expansion of military personnel. Spending has instead been directed towards hi-tech weaponry, what we refer to as the "new" military. We hypothesize that this new, increasingly capital-intensive military is no longer a pathway of upward mobility or employer of last resort for many uneducated, unskilled, or unemployed people, with significant consequences for those individuals and society as a whole. One such consequence, we argue, is an increase in income inequality. We test this hypothesis with cross-national panel models, estimated for eighty-three developed and less developed countries from 1970 to 2000. Findings indicate that military capital-intensiveness, as measured by military expenditures per soldier, exacerbates income inequality net of control variables. Neither total military expenditures/GDP nor military participation has a significant effect. It appears from these findings that today's "new" military establishment is abrogating its historical role as an equalizing force in society, with important policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military expenditures have escalated over the last three decades in both developed and less developed countries, despite sharp reductions in military personnel. Spending has instead been increasingly directed towards hi-tech weponry, what we refer to as t ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Measures of position in the world-economy are central to research in international political economy. Scholars in many disciplines have created measures that rank nations within a global hierarchy. Most of these measures incorporate only economic variables, such as total or per capita gross national product. Following Charles Tilly's (1994) theorization on the origins of the modern nation-state, we develop a measure of position in the world economy that includes both economic and coercive power. We provide separate rankings for each power dimension, and then combine them for an overall measure of position from 1960 to 2000, at five year intervals. These new rankings provide important insights into the global power structure and nation-state mobility over this period. Additionally this measure establishes new avenues for research and inquiry in sociology, international relations, and international political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]