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Verbally reported long-term memory for past events typically improves with age. However, such findings are based exclusively on studies, where children are directly asked to recall. The present study showed that when 3- (n = 113, 59 girls) and 4-year-olds (n = 113, 62 girls), predominantly White, were brought back to a distinct laboratory-setting after either 1-, 4.5-, or 13-weeks, children--regardless of age and delay--spontaneously recalled the distinct event experienced at their first visit (all Cohen's ds > 1.00). Meanwhile, the oldest children outperformed the youngest when being asked directly to retrieve the event (n[subscript p][superscript 2]>0.088). These findings suggest that spontaneous retrieval facilitated by distinct environmental cues provides a short-cut to young children's event memories.

It is well documented that young children have difficulties with strategically remembering past events. Recent evidence on event memory in 35- and 46-month-old children suggests that strategic retrieval (yes/no questions) improves with age, whereas spontaneous retrieval is relatively unaffected by age. We here replicate and extend those findings (N = 124): First, a novel free (strategic) recall test was added to improve ecological validity. Second, the free recall procedure allowed us to make direct comparisons between spontaneous and free strategic recall relative to age. The free recall test revealed similar results in the standard yes/no questions (older children outperformed younger). The direct comparison between spontaneous and free recall revealed a reliable interaction between age and retrieval mode: While the children's age did not affect spontaneous recall, the 46-month-olds outperformed the 35-month-olds on the free recall test. The results add to the accumulating evidence that spontaneous recall of events is an early developmental achievement.

In a seminal study Simcock and Hayne (2002) showed that 3-year-olds were unable to use newly acquired words to describe a "magic" event experienced 6 or 12 months earlier. In the reference study the children's verbal recall was tested without props being present. Inspired by recent evidence, the original design was replicated, testing 33-and 39-month-olds (n = 180), but with props present at recall while controlling for potential online reasoning. The results revealed that the children did use newly acquired words to describe their preverbal memory. Thus, the present study shows that nonverbal memories can be verbalized if the recall setting provides a high level of contextual support, a finding relevant to researchers investigating the offset of childhood amnesia.

Memories of past events often come to mind spontaneously, that is, without any preceding goal‐directed search process. Such memories (termed 'involuntary' in the adult literature) have been studied extensively in adults. However, little is known about how spontaneous recollections may appear in children's everyday lives. To date, only a single diary study has been conducted. We examined three‐year‐olds' (N = 51) spontaneous memories by means of parental reports in a diary study during a 2‐week period. Specifically, we investigated (a) cues triggering spontaneous recall, (b) the emotions associated, and (c) potential dominance of recent events in the memories recalled. The results revealed that the most prominent cues triggering spontaneous recall were 'objects' (32%) and 'something said' (30.3%). The valence of the memories was primarily positive, and the age of the memories displayed a clear forgetting curve. Overall, the findings largely replicate the memory constraints identified in adults' involuntary recollections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the importance of object function (action-object-outcome relations) on object individuation in infancy. Five experiments examined the ability of 9.5- and 12-month-old infants to individuate simple geometric objects in a manual search design. Experiments 1 through 4 (12-month-olds, N = 128) provided several combinations of simple appearance-function relations defined by changes in form and color (appearance) or objects' ability to make a rattling sound when shaken (function). Only when object function covaried with the appearance differences (Experience 3) were infants able to individuate, suggesting that object function played a facilitating but not a determining role. In Experiment 5, 9.5-month-olds (N = 32) were unable to demonstrate such function-facilitated individuation, suggesting that this ability develops between the age of 9.5 and 12 months. (Contains 3 figures.)

Five experiments investigated the importance of shape and object manipulation when 12-month-olds were given the task of individuating objects representing exemplars of kinds in an event-mapping design. In Experiments 1 and 2, results of the study from Xu, Carey, and Quint (2004, Experiment 4) were partially replicated, showing that infants were able to individuate two natural-looking exemplars from different categories, but not two exemplars from the same category. In Experiment 3, infants failed to individuate two shape-similar exemplars (from Pauen, 2002a) from different categories. However, Experiment 4 revealed that allowing infants to manipulate objects shortly before the individuation task enabled them to individuate shape-similar objects from different categories. In Experiment 5, allowing object manipulation did not induce infants to individuate natural-looking objects from the same category. These findings suggest that object manipulation facilitates kind-based individuation of shape-similar objects by 12-month-olds.

The trip task has been used as a verbal test for examining preschool children's episodic future thinking. However, the only existing study using the trip task merely examined 3-year-olds. In order to investigate how future projections develop, we examined a total of 241 preschool children in three age groups (35-, 47-, and 55-month-olds). As expected, the results revealed a developmental progression with the older children outperforming their younger peers. The obtained results correspond to existing evidence using behavioral tasks, and thereby underscores the robustness of previous findings showing that the ability to project oneself into the future undergoes a marked development from 3 to 5 years of age. In addition, and more specifically, the results presented here when considered together with other evidence, may suggest a hitherto neglected developmental spurt from around 3.5- to 4-years of age in relation to episodic future thinking, calling for further research in this age range. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the extensive bulk of literature on maternal reminiscing style, only a handful of reminiscing studies have investigated gender differences in parental reminiscing style, with none of these studies having explored the possible relationship between parental involvement level and parental reminiscing style. The current study investigated gender differences in parental reminiscing style across positive and negative event types in an egalitarian Scandinavian context while exploring the potential relationship between parental reminiscing style and parental involvement level. Mothers and fathers from N = 88 families reminisced about shared happy and sad events, respectively, with their 4‐year‐old children. Overall, parental involvement level was not related to parental reminiscing style. However, mothers' elaborations and positive evaluations were associated with their level of involvement level in the sad event conversations. Although mothers and fathers did not differ in their reminiscing style overall, gender differences appeared in the consistency of parental reminiscing style across event types. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many parents have experienced incidents in which their preschool child spontaneously (i.e., without prompting of any kind) recall a previously experienced event. Until recently, such spontaneous memories had only been examined in non-controlled settings (e.g., diary studies). Using a novel experimental paradigm, a previous study has shown that when young children are brought back to a highly distinct setting (same room, same experimenter, same furnishing), in which they previously experienced an interesting event (a Teddy or a Game event), spontaneous memories can be triggered. However, exactly which cues (or combination of cues) are effective for the children’s memory, remains unknown. Here, we used this novel paradigm to examine the possible impact of contextual cues at the time of retrieval. We manipulated whether the 35-month-old children returned to the same room (n = 40) or to a different, but similarly furnished, room (n = 40) after one week. The results revealed that although the children returning to a new room produced fewer spontaneous memories than the children returning to the same room, the difference was not significant. Interestingly, despite changing rooms, the children still produced spontaneous memories. Taken together the results may shed new light on the mechanisms underlying childhood amnesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most parents sing to their children. Yet, little is known regarding how early musical experiences are retained later in life. This study is a first attempt to fill this gap in the literature. Based on the stratified sample, we asked 973 adults about their first memories of a song or melody. The results revealed that adults' earliest memories of a song or melody generally were predated by memories for other events; thus, the music memories were not the very earliest memories. The earliest memories for musical experiences were rated as typical, fragmented, and positive. Women reported earlier music memories than men. Current age had no impact on the age of the earliest music memories, but older respondents rated their memories as more vivid. The reported parental communication quality during childhood was reliably related to the age and characteristics of the earliest music memories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We question Spelke's key claim that the medium, in which contents from different core knowledge systems can be represented and combined, is language-based. Recalling an episodic memory, playing chess, and conducting mental rotation are tasks where core knowledge information is represented and combined. Although these tasks can be described by means of language, these tasks are not inherently language-based. Hence, language may be an important subset of an abstraction medium - not the medium as such.