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While the surge of populism in the West has attracted considerable public attention, countries often considered to be on Europe’s ‘periphery’ have largely escaped both scholarly and general interest. Political developments in Armenia, Albania, Bosnia, Georgia, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia are poorly understood politically and often opaque to non-specialists. Yet the societies, economies, politics and the aspirations of the people in these countries remain closely intertwined with the rest of Europe and its development. From the perspectives of scholars from the region, this book offers an informed assessment of the role, causes and political consequences of populism in areas that are important but often ignored parts of the European political landscape.

The role of elections in the Federal Republic of Germany to the processes in the European Union and the surrounding countries has gained in importance in previous election cycles. The elections in 2021 are just a continuation of the growing influence on the processes related to European integration, and even the political processes in the Western Balkans. Political elites from the countries of the Western Balkans always have their own expectations from the elections in Germany, but also from the consequences of those elections, primarily in terms of the composition of the German government. The subject of research in this paper are the perceptions of political elites in the Western Balkans about the future attitudes of German parties and the new government towards Western Balkans and the source of these perceptions, which I basically find in election manifestos (election programs) of political parties. The analysis is based on election manifestos and the perception that the parties’ views on the Western Balkans have produced among political elites. These attitudes resulted in the initiation of certain unresolved issues in the Western Balkans, both during the election campaign and during the process of forming the government. Current issues that have implications for elections in Germany are primarily the rule of law and democracy in the Western Balkans, relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the High Representative, the Brussels Dialogue, and major projects such as the Open Balkans., Uloga izbora u Saveznoj Republici Nemačkoj na procese u Evropskoj uniji i zemljama u okruženju dobija na značaju u prethodnim izbornim ciklusima. Izbori 2021. samo su nastavak rasta uticaja na procese koji se tiču evropskih intregracija, pa i političkih procesa na Zapadnom Balkanu. Političke elite iz zemalja Zapadnog Balkana uvek imaju svoja očekivanja od izbora u Nemačkoj, ali i od posledica tih izbora pre svega u pogledu sastava nemačke vlade. Predmet istraživanja u ovom radu jesu percepcije političkih elita na Zapadnom Balkanu o budućem odnosu nemačkih partija i nove vlade i izvor tih percepcija koji bazično nalazim u izbornim manifestima (izbornim programima) političkih partija. Analiza se zasniva na izbornim manifestima i percepciji koju su stavovi partija o Zapadnom Balkanu proizveli kod političkih elita. Navedeni stavovi su i u toku izborne kampanje i toku procesa formiranja vlade rezultirali pokretanju pojedinih nerešenih pitanja na Zapadnom Balkanu. Aktuelna pitanja koja imaju implikacije izbora u Nemačkoj su prvenstveno pitanje vladavine prava i demokratije na Zapadnom Balkanu, odnosi u Bosni i Hercegovini i pitanje Visokog predstavnika, pitanje Briselskog dijaloga, kao i pitanja velikih projekata kao što je Otvoreni Balkan.

Party systems represent parts of political systems which arise as a result of interactions between political parties. Party relations produce characteristics which place a particular party system within the typology of party systems. A number of factors can be considered in explaining the nature of party competition, most often placed within the categories of institutional and socio-structural factors. This paper analyses the impact of full and partial social cleavages on party systems. Given that the theory of social cleavages has proved insufficient in explaining party differences and the dynamics of party systems, especially in new democracies, we will improve the analysis by including the concept of partial social cleavages. This research shows the unequivocal influence of dominant social cleavages on the situation and changes in party systems. Although in some cases no changes in the type of party system have occurred, it can be concluded that exactly in those cases there exist permanent and ingrained social cleavages, but also partial cleavages which affect the relations in the party system at the given time. Identity issues stand out as the dominant topic in political competition, especially in the countries where ethnic relations have not been resolved.

The dissertation Institutionalization of parties and party systems in the countries of the former SFRY discusses the genesis and evolution of the political parties and party systems, the process of institutionalization of both the parties and party systems alike, and their impact on the stability of political institutions and overall social stability in the countries of former Yugoslavia. The main aim of the dissertation is to determine the extent to which the parties and party systems have been institutionalized and the role of the aforementioned processes in the establishment of stable and functional democratic institutions. The research consists of twenty-eight (28) case studies of political parties in six (6) countries, which opted for the multi-party system as a part of the process of democratization. The dissertation is based upon a theoretical framework that, although de facto separates these two processes of institutionalization, emphasizes the impact political parties have on the political systems. However, while the institutionalization of the political parties is associated with the stability of individual political parties, the institutionalization of the party systems concerns the capacities of the system in its totality. The model of 15 and 8 indicators is used to analyze the institutionalization of political parties and political systems. Index assigned to political parties used to analyze the level of institutionalization of parties generates Party Institutionalization Index (PII), and index assigned to party systems generate Party System Institutionalization Index (PSII). The main argument of the dissertation is that political parties are key factors in all democratic political systems and that they substantially influence the democratic capacity and stability of a society. The general hypothesis of the dissertation is the claim that the institutionalization of political parties and the party systems have a positive effect on the stability of politi, U disertaciji Institucionalizacije partija i partijskih sistema u zemljama bivše SFRJ istražuje se nastanak i razvoj političkih partija i partijskih sistema, procesi institucionalizacije partija i institucionalizacije partijskih sistema, kao i njihovi efekti na stabilnost političkih institucija i širu društvenu stabilnost u zemljama bivše SFRJ. Osnovni cilj rada je utvrđivanje stepena institucionalizacije partija i stepena institucionalizacije partijskih sistema i uloga ovih procesa u izgradnji stabilnih i funkcionalnih demokratskih institucija. Studija obuhvata dvadeset osam (28) političkih partija u šest (6) zemalja koje su nastale raspadom SFRJ i koje su krenule u razvoj demokratskih političkih sistema sa uvođenjem višepartizma. Rad se zasniva na teorijskim polazištima koja ova dva procesa institucionalizacije posmatraju kao odvojena, iako veoma bliska s obzirom da političke partije kroz svoje delovanje stvaraju partijski sistem. Naime, institucionalizacija političkih partija je proces koji se vezuje za pojedinačne partije i njihovu stabilnost, dok se institucionalizacija partijskih sistema odnosi na sistem u celini i njegove kapacitete. Za analizu institucionalizacije partija koristi se model od 15 indikatora za svaku pojedinačnu političku partiju, dok se za partijske sisteme koristi model od 8 indikatora iz kojih se dobijaju indeksi institucionalizacije za partije (IPI) i za partijske sisteme (IIPS). Polazna osnova u radu je da su političke partije ključni akteri političkog života u svakom demokratskom političkom sistemu i da njihovo delovanje bitno utiče na demokratske kapacitete i na stabilnost u svakom društvu. Kao generalna hipoteza postavljena je tvrdnja da institucionalizacije partija i partijskih sistema pozitivno utiču na stabilnost političkih institucija i društva u celini. Uz indekse institucionalizacije partija i partijskih sistema, kao nezavisne varijable, u regresioni model stavljam parametre stabilnosti, kao zavisne varijable. U tim parametrima su

Cilj istraživanja bio je da se ispita latentna struktura evaluacija političkih stranaka za vreme izbora 2022. godine u Srbiji, kao i da se testira skup socio-demografskih (pol, starost, obrazovanje, životni standard), dispozicionih (politički stavovi, autoritarnost i religioznost) i kontekstualnih prediktora (informisanje posredstvom različitih televizija) ekstrahovanih dimenzija. U studiji sprovedenoj u nedelji uoči izbora na prigodnom uzorku od 636 punoletnih građana i građanki utvrđeno je da se simpatije prema strankama koje su učestvovale na parlamentarnim izborima organizuju u tri međusobno nezavisna faktora: 1) stranke režima (SNS, SPS, SRS), 2) stranke građanske opozicije (PSG, SSP, NDBGD, NS, DS, Ekološki ustanak, SDS) i 3) stranke nacionalne opozicije (Dveri, Suverenisti, DSS, Zavetnici). Regresione analize pokazale su da se evaluacije tri navedena stranačka bloka najbolje mogu predviđati na osnovu praćenja različitih televizija. Simpatije prema strankama režima najbolje predviđa praćenje televizije PINK i nisko interesovanje za politiku. Simpatije prema strankama građanske opozicije jedine se mogu predviđati pomoću dispozicionih faktora (stavovi i autoritarnost), pored praćenja televizije N1. Prediktivna moć svih navedenih prediktora bila je slabija u modelovanju simpatija prema strankama nacionalne opozicije, gde samo mlađe životno doba i praćenje TV RTS objašnjavaju skroman procenat razlika u stranačkim evaluacijama. Rezultati pokazuju da stranački rascep u Srbiji nije ideološke prirode, kao i da je u značajnoj meri proizvod socijalnog uticaja posredovanog medijima., The goal of the research was to examine the latent structure of evaluations of political parties during the 2022 elections in Serbia, as well as to test a set of socio-demographic (gender, age, education, standard of living), dispositional (political attitudes, authoritarianism and religiosity) and contextual predictors (information through different televisions) of extracted dimensions. In a study conducted in the week before the elections on a random sample of 636 adult citizens, it was determined that sympathy for the parties that participated in the parliamentary elections is organized into three mutually independent factors: 1) parties of the regime (SNS, SPS, SRS), 2) civil opposition parties (PSG, SSP, NDBGD, NS, DS, Ekološki ustanak, SDS) and 3) national opposition parties (Dveri, Suverenisti, DSS, Zavetnici). Regression analyses showed that the evaluations of the three mentioned party blocs can best be predicted based on the monitoring of different television channels. Sympathy for the regime’s parties is best predicted by watching PINK TV and low interest in politics. Sympathies towards civil opposition parties can only be predicted using dispositional factors (attitudes and authoritarianism), in addition to watching N1 television. The predictive power of all the mentioned predictors was weaker in the modeling of sympathies towards the parties of the national opposition, where only younger age and watching TV RTS explain a modest percentage of differences in party evaluations. The results show that the party split in Serbia is not of an ideological nature, and that it is to a significant extent the product of social influence realized through media.

Depopulation caused by emigration and negative natural growth is a feature of all societies and states in the post-Yugoslav space. Migration, as one of the causes of depopulation, results in problems in the fundamental issues of building a democratic society and state. The implications of depopulation are multiple on political processes, and important effects are visible in the elections in these societies. The subjects of analysis in this paper are different approaches to regulating the voting rights of emigrants in electoral processes in the political systems of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro. These countries are the best examples of three different models of regulation of electoral processes, and they are good examples of mechanisms and shortcomings for exercising the right of emigrants to vote. In this regard, the first open question is the number of eligible voters and the effective number of voters in these countries. In these three countries, we encounter out-of-date and insufficiently accurate voter lists, which are the product of poor administration and the constant change in the number of inhabitants, which is insufficiently monitored. Another important issue that we analyze is the voting right of emigrants, where we come across different models and (in) possibilities to use the right to vote. Through the analysis, we show different solutions and their implications on the election process. The analysis of different approaches in the regulation of the right to vote of emigrants shows a number of dilemmas in the basic exercise of the right to vote, and often discriminatory treatment of voters outside the country. The third level of analysis is the analysis of the overall participation of emigrants and their participation in political and electoral processes through electoral cycles that show trends in this area., Depopulacija prouzročena iseljavanjem stanovništva i negativnim prirodnim prirastom odlika je svih društava i država na postjugoslavenskom prostoru. Migracije, kao jedan od uzroka depopulacije, rezultiraju problemima u temeljnim pitanjima izgradnje demokratskog društva i države. Depopulacija ima višestruke učinke na političke procese koji su vidljivi i na izborima u navedenim društvima. Predmet analize u ovom radu su različiti pristupi uređenju biračkog prava iseljenika u izbornim procesima u političkim sustavima Bosne i Hercegovine, Srbije i Crne Gore. Navedene države predstavljaju najbolje primjere triju različitih modela regulacije izbornih procesa, a dobri su primjeri niza mehanizama i manjkavosti za ostvarivanje biračkog prava iseljenika. U tom pogledu, prvo otvoreno pitanje je raskorak između broja birača koji imaju pravo glasa i efektivnog broja birača u ovim zemljama. U sve tri države susrećemo neažurne i nedovoljno precizne popise birača koji su posljedica loše administracije i stalne promjene broja stanovnika koja se nedovoljno prati. Drugo važno pitanje koje analiziramo je biračko pravo iseljenika pri čemu nailazimo na različite modele i (ne)mogućnosti da se ostvari biračko pravo. Kroz analizu pokazujemo različita rješenja i njihove implikacije na izborni proces. Analiza različitih pristupa u regulaciji biračkog prava iseljenika pokazuje niz dilema u temeljnom ostvarivanju biračkog prava, a često i diskriminacijski odnos prema biračima izvan zemlje. Treća razina analize zahvaća ukupnu participaciju iseljenika i njihovog sudjelovanje u političkim i izbornim procesima kroz izborne cikluse.

The basic premise of free and fair elections is equal participation and representation of all candidates and candidate lists. Media are crucial in this process, taking into account they go hand in hand with modern democracies. As such, the role of media in promotional activities is regulated by law. The existing legal framework regulating election campaigns requires further improvements, especially in regard to participation of public officials in election campaigns and the use of public resources for these purposes. The engagement of public officials in election campaigns, or promotion, is defined as a "functionary campaign". The year 2012 was a turning point for Serbia in terms of having functionary campaigns and consequently preventing free and fair elections. Until today multiple examples of usage of official capacities for campaign purposes have been reported. This paper defines functionary campaigns and analyses the existing legal provisions related to functionary campaigns in Serbia. While the legal framework requires further improvements what is worrisome is the poor implementation of the provisions in place. This paper also analyses the Government solutions proposed to the National Assembly of Serbia in 2019., Osnovna pretpostavka slobodnih i poštenih izbora je ravnopravnost učešća i ravnomerna predstavljenost svih kandidata i izbornih lista. Veoma važan faktor u ovom procesu predstavljaju mediji, s obzirom na to da su savremene demokratije nerazdvojive od medija. Uloga medija u promotivnim aktivnostima političkih partija regulisana je zakonima, ali je u proteklim godinama u Srbiji evidentiran veliki broj propusta. Kao najslabije regulisano polje u izbornim kampanjama jeste pitanje uloge javnih funkcionera i upotrebe javnih resursa u svrhe izborne kampanje. Ovakav vid promocije okarakterisan je kao funkcionerska kampanja, a mediji predstavljaju osnovno sredstvo u razvoju ovog problema. Predmet ovog rada je definisanje funkcionerske kampanje i analiza zakonskih rešenja u oblasti funkcionerske kampanje u Srbiji. Iako je ovaj fenomen poznat i utvrđen i ranije, ovako terminološki označen dobio je nove aspekte u periodu od 2012. godine i istaknut je kao jedan od ključnih problema u održavanju slobodnih i poštenih izbora u Srbiji. U zakonskom okviru uviđa se niz propusta, ali je očigledno da je sprovođenje postojećih zakona, takođe, veoma neefikasno. Funkcionerska kampanja bila je tema i razgovora o izbornim uslovima u Srbiji između vlasti i opozicije. Rad daje i analizu predloga rešenja koje je, 2019. godine, Vlada Srbije predložila Narodnoj skupštini.

У дисертацији Институционализације партија и партијских система у земљама бивше СФРЈ истражује се настанак и развој политичких партија и партијских система, процеси институционализације партија и институционализације партијских система, као и њихови ефекти на стабилност политичких институција и ширу друштвену стабилност у земљама бивше СФРЈ. Основни циљ рада је утврђивање степена институционализације партија и степена институционализације партијских система и улога ових процеса у изградњи стабилних и функционалних демократских институција. Студија обухвата двадесет осам (28) политичких партија у шест (6) земаља које су настале распадом СФРЈ и које су кренуле у развој демократских политичких система са увођењем вишепартизма. Рад се заснива на теоријским полазиштима која ова два процеса институционализације посматрају као одвојена, иако веома блиска с обзиром да политичке партије кроз своје деловање стварају партијски систем. Наиме, институционализација политичких партија је процес који се везује за појединачне партије и њихову стабилност, док се институционализација партијских система односи на систем у целини и његове капацитете. За анализу институционализације партија користи се модел од 15 индикатора за сваку појединачну политичку партију, док се за партијске системе користи модел од 8 индикатора из којих се добијају индекси институционализације за партије (ИПИ) и за партијске системе (ИИПС). Полазна основа у раду је да су политичке партије кључни актери политичког живота у сваком демократском политичком систему и да њихово деловање битно утиче на демократске капацитете и на стабилност у сваком друштву. Као генерална хипотеза постављена је тврдња да институционализације партија и партијских система позитивно утичу на стабилност политичких институција и друштва у целини. Уз индексе институционализације партија и партијских система, као независне варијабле, у регресиони модел стављам параметре стабилности, као зависне варијабле. У тим параметрима су постојећи индекс, The dissertation Institutionalization of parties and party systems in the countries of the former SFRY discusses the genesis and evolution of the political parties and party systems, the process of institutionalization of both the parties and party systems alike, and their impact on the stability of political institutions and overall social stability in the countries of former Yugoslavia. The main aim of the dissertation is to determine the extent to which the parties and party systems have been institutionalized and the role of the aforementioned processes in the establishment of stable and functional democratic institutions. The research consists of twenty-eight (28) case studies of political parties in six (6) countries, which opted for the multi-party system as a part of the process of democratization. The dissertation is based upon a theoretical framework that, although de facto separates these two processes of institutionalization, emphasizes the impact political parties have on the political systems. However, while the institutionalization of the political parties is associated with the stability of individual political parties, the institutionalization of the party systems concerns the capacities of the system in its totality. The model of 15 and 8 indicators is used to analyze the institutionalization of political parties and political systems. Index assigned to political parties used to analyze the level of institutionalization of parties generates Party Institutionalization Index (PII), and index assigned to party systems generate Party System Institutionalization Index (PSII). The main argument of the dissertation is that political parties are key factors in all democratic political systems and that they substantially influence the democratic capacity and stability of a society. The general hypothesis of the dissertation is the claim that the institutionalization of political parties and the party systems have a positive effect on the stability of politi