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In a 1982 publication, Ng et al. surveyed the cultural values of select East Asian and Pacific Island nations. In 2002, this study repeated their work, using the same sampling frame, questionnaire, and collaborators, where possible. The authors also reclassified the 1982 and 2002 survey results using Schwartz's cultural-level value dimensions. Submission versus Dionysian values that differentiated the nations in 1982 continued to do so in 2002. Furthermore, nations that endorsed Mastery (and rejected Harmony) in 1982 experienced greater subsequent economic growth than did the other countries. Moreover, economic development in 1982 predicted ensuing changes in Submission versus Dionysian and Hierarchy versus Egalitarianism values. Richer nations tended to endorse Dionysian, Autonomy, and Egalitarianism, whereas poorer nations tended toward Submission, Embeddedness, and Hierarchy values. Overall, the results support both economic and cultural determinism and imply two opposing directions of cultural change.

In the present paper, a preliminary statement on the traditional-modern bicultural self in contemporary Taiwan was proposed and our presentation was organized in four parts. First, a theoretical and conceptual analysis was attempted to describe the emergence and composition of the traditional-modern bicultural self of the contemporary Taiwanese people. The cultural and social roots of such a bicultural self were explored, and its constituting elements delineated and their interrelations analyzed. Second, relevant empirical evidence pertaining to this particular model of the Chinese bicultural self was reviewed. Third, our present model was related and compared against various existing bicultural self models. Finally, directions and issues for future research on the Chinese bicultural self were discussed.

An academic movement to switch from Westernized Chinese psychology to an indigenized Chinese psychology in Chinese societies (Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China) has existed for about three decades. Indigenous‐oriented Chinese psychologists have conducted serious indigenized research on about 50 different broad topics. Kuo‐Shu Yang's conceptual and empirical analyses on 3 of them are briefly reviewed in this article: (a) Chinese familism, familization and pan‐familism; (b) Chinese psychological traditionality and modernity; and (c) theoretical and empirical analyses of the Chinese self. On the first topic, an indigenized conceptual scheme for the psychological components of Chinese familism at the cognitive, affective, and intentional levels was proposed. On the basis of the framework, standardized familism scales were constructed and used to study the relationships among the major components at each psychological level, using Taiwan students and adults as participants. In addition, the process of familization,...

Three objectives are addressed in the present study. First, the methodological and conceptual aspects of my long-term research program on psychological (individual) traditionality and modernity in Taiwan are briefly reviewed to provide a background for systematically responding to Kwang-Kuo Hwang's critique of the research program. Second, my reply to Hwang is made in terms of five major issues, viz. the methodological approach adopted, the theoretical or conceptual basis, the explanation of the discontinuity between individual traditionality and modernity, the semantic opposites and psychological opposites, and the conceptual evaluation of the traditionality and modernity items. Third, a plea is made for conducting more and better studies on individual traditionality and modernity in developing Asian countries. Methodological and theoretical issues are further discussed and clarified for the sake of conducting methodologically and theoretically sounder research in this area.

Comprehensive comparison and conceptual analysis of cross-cultural, cultural, and indigenous psychologies in terms of their aims and theoretical and methodological perspectives lead to the conclusion that the first two are special cases of the third. Two basic types of indigenous psychology are distinguished on the basis of conceptual analysis: monocultural indigenous psychologies (including monocultural cultural psychologies) and cross-cultural indigenous psychologies (including both cross-cultural psychology and cross-cultural cultural psychology). Corresponding to these two types of indigenous psychology are two basic ways to conduct indigenous research, namely, the monocultural indigenous approach and the cross-cultural indigenous approach. Both approaches require achievement of the condition of indigenous compatibility, which stresses the sufficient congruity of the researcher's theory, methods, and results with the studied psychological or behavioral phenomenon and/or its sociocultural context. Finally, several ways to integrate research findings obtained by the monocultural and cross-cultural indigenous approaches are delineated and discussed with respect to their function in creating an indigenously derived global psychology.

Characteristic differences between Chinese and Western cultures are argued to have meaningful implications for attributional belief research and its extension into new cultural settings. This study examined attributional beliefs within and across samples from Taiwan and the United States. To meet unique demands inherent in Chinese culture, an externally oriented perspective was introduced. Accordingly, a new instrument for the assessment of attributional beliefs was developed and demonstrated as providing reliable dimension measurement. Results indicated that although the internal structure of the attributional belief construct appeared valid across the samples, the patterns of dimension relations within each sample were unique. Furthermore, internal and external locus dimensions, assessed separately, appeared to represent distinct concepts and show differential association with adjustment variables. Findings were interpreted based on sociocultural differences between the samples.

The Melbourne Decision Making Questionnaire (Mann, Burnett, Radford, & Ford, 1997) measures self-reported decision-making coping patterns. The questionnaire was administered to samples of University students in the US (N = 475), Australia (N = 262), New Zealand (N = 260), Japan (N = 359), Hong Kong (N = 281), and Taiwan (N = 414). As predicted, students from the three Western, individualistic cultures (US, Australia, and New Zealand) were more confident of their decision-making ability than students from the three East Asian, group-oriented cultures (Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan). No cross-cultural differences were found in scores on decision vigilance (a careful decision-making style). However, compared with Western students, the Asian students tended to score higher on buck-passing and procrastination (avoidant styles of decision making) as well as hypervigilance (a panicky style of decision making). Japanese students scored lowest on decision self-esteem and highest on procrastination and hypervigilance. It was argued that the conflict model and its attendant coping patterns is relevant for describing and comparing decision making in both Western and Asian cultures.

In the last one hundred plus years, China, under the impact of modernization, has undergone the most significant change in the past 5,000 years. Modernization is a continuous process of protest and change. At each stage of modernization, outcomes may be regarded as the result of complex strategies and responses to those demands. This paper will address the strategies and responses that Chinese have adopted in their attempt to deal with the pressure and challenge of modernization. As a background to understanding these strategies and responses, the following four perspectives will be delineated. First, my perspective is mainly at the micro level, but I will occasionally shift to the macro level when needed. Second, my analyses will largely rely on results from empirical research. They will be supplemented by daily-life observations and appropriate conceptual or theoretical analyses. Third, Chinese intellectuals have been playing a guiding role of enlightenment, criticism, and promotion and their responses have been influential in formulating, directing, or channeling the views of the general public. A comprehensive analysis of relevant ideologies and strategies endorsed by Chinese intellectuals will be provided. Finally, the analysis of Chinese responses to modernization will be based upon the relevant literature from all the three major Chinese societies (Taiwan, Hong Kong, and mainland China). In addition, this paper will clarify the basic modes and specific mechanisms of adaptation to drastic environmental changes. They will be applied as conceptual tools for the analysis of Chinese intellectuals’ ideological responses to modernization and psychological processes involved in accommodating cognitive and behavioral changes in their daily lives.

Maslow's theory of basic human needs is criticized with respect to two of its major aspects, unidimensional linearity and cross-cultural validity. To replace Maslow's linear theory, a revised Y model is proposed on the base of Y. Yu's original Y model. Arranged on the stem of the Y are Maslow's physiological needs (excluding sexual needs) and safety needs. Satisfaction of these needs is indispensable to genetic survival. On the left arm of the Y are interpersonal and belongingness needs, esteem needs, and the self-actualization need. The thoughts and behaviors required for the fulfillment of these needs lead to genetic expression. Lastly, on the right arm of the Y are sexual needs, childbearing needs, and parenting needs. The thoughts and behaviors entailed in the satisfaction of these needs result in genetic transmission. I contend that needs for genetic survival and transmission are universal and that needs for genetic expression are culture-bound. Two major varieties of culture-specific expression needs are distinguished for each of the three levels of needs on the left arm of the Y model. Collectivistic needs for interpersonal affiliation and belongingness, esteem, and self-actualization prevail in collectivist cultures like those found in East Asian countries. Individualistic needs are dominant in individualist cultures like those in North America and certain European nations. I construct two separate Y models, one for people in collectivist cultures and the other for those in individualist ones. In the first (the Yc model), the three levels of expression needs on the left arm are collectivistic in nature, whereas in the second (the Yi model), the three levels of needs on the left arm are individualistic in nature. Various forms of the double-Y model are formulated by conceptually combining the Yc and Yi models at the cross-cultural, crossgroup, and intra-individual levels. Research directions for testing the various aspects of the double-Y model are identified for comparisons at these three levels. Future studies theoretically guided by the double-Y model will enable us to systematically understand, at both aggregate and individual levels, the characteristics and interactions of expression and transmission needs, the characteristics and interactions of collectivistic and individualistic expression needs, and the dynamic processes involved in the transformation of needs from collectivistic to individualistic and vice versa under certain specific conditions. The double-Y model, as a whole, represents a serious, systematic attempt to theoretically and empirically integrate the biological and cultural influences on basic motivational states and propensities. Whether this model will eventually prove to be able to survive future empirical testing and conceptual revision remains to be seen. I must hasten to add, however, that there may be other potentially viable models that are worth being advanced in the future for accomplishing the same purpose of integrating the biological and cultural determinants of the formation, development, and function of human motivation.

I have had a professional dream for about twenty years-to turn the unhealthily Westernised psychology in Chinese societies into a genuinely indigenous Chinese psychology. The dream began as an outcome of my temporary disillusionment with doing psychology as a lifelong profession, on which I had set my heart ever since my undergraduate years.

This study sought to identify the effects of culture and sex on mate preferences using samples drawn world-wide. Thirty-seven samples were obtained from 33 countries located on six continents and five islands (N = 9,474). Hierarchical multiple regressions revealed strong effects of both culture and sex, moderated by specific mate characteristics. Chastity proved to be the mate characteristic on which cultures varied the most. The preference ordering of each sample was contrasted with an international complement. Each culture displayed a unique preference ordering, but there were some similarities among all cultures as reflected in a positive manifold of the cross-country correlation matrix. Multidimensional scaling of the cultures yielded a five dimensional solution, the first two of which were interpreted. The first dimension was interpreted as Traditional versus Modern, with China, India, Iran, and Nigeria anchoring one end and the Netherlands, Great Britain, Finland, and Sweden anchoring the other. The second dimension involved valuation of education, intelligence, and refinement. Consistent sex differences in value attached to eaming potential and physical attractiveness supported evolution-based hypotheses about the importance of resources and reproductive value in mates. Discussion emphasizes the importance of psychological mate preferences for scientific disciplines ranging from evolutionary biology to sociology.

What is the effect on the response of bilinguals when they are presented with a questionnaire in their first or their second languages? To examine this question 121 university students completed a survey on their identification with Chinese or Western practices. The questionnaire was written in Chinese or English and administered in small groups by one of four investigators-two Chinese, two Western. Results showed higher levels of Chinese identification in response to the English version of the attitude survey. It was proposed that this ethnic affirmation depends on the respondent's level of identification with the first culture and the availability of behaviors to affirm or deny that first culture. The phenomenon of ethnic affirmation extends beyond questionnaire responding and would seem applicable to any situation where one's ethnic salience is heightened. Cross-cultural interaction, particularly in a research context, is a prime example.

Chinese bilinguals from Hong Kong responded to three different question-naires in their first or second language of Chinese or English. On some questionnaire items their answers to the English version differed from those to the Chinese version in a more "Western" direction (cross-cultural accommodation); for others, in a more Chinese direction (ethnic affirmation). These outcomes were unaffected by the respondents' level of identification with traditional Chinese culture or by their degree of anonymity vis-a-vis the experimenter conducting the research. An internal analysis of responses to the Rokeach Value Survey revealed that the more important the value to the respondent, the less likely they were to show cross-cultural accommodation. It thus appears that affirmation occurs on important issues in order to buttress the individual's of psychological distinctiveness from other groups (Tajfel, 1974a); compromise is possible on less important matters, presumably more peripheral to the individual's cultural self-concept.

This study was primarily designed to provide an empirical basis for a better structural definition of problem behavior in Chinese adolescents. Anonymous self-ratings of 130 problem behaviors were obtained for 2432 male and 2723 female students drawn from 14 junior high schools in the Taipei area. In analyzing the data, the 130 behaviors were first classified into 16 categories through content analysis by two personality psychologists. Category scores were then computed by unweighted summation of self-ratings over the problem behaviors in each category to generate 16 composite variables. Separate factor analyses of the composite variables were finally conducted, one for each sex. Two major unrotated factors emerged with substantial cross-sex invariance and were labeled General Maladjustment and Outward-Inward Orientation. Through oblique rotation, two psychologically meaningful factors were identified and named as Delinquent Behavior (further divided into two subgroups, namely, Pleasure-Seeking and Rule-Violating Delinquent Behavior) and Neurotic Behavior.

The cross-cultural feasibility of the internality-externality (I-E) construct was examined by studying 517 male and female Chinese college students in Taiwan. Levenson's IPC (Internality, Powerful Others, and Chance) Scales were used to correlate various factors concerning the background, performance, and expectancy areas. Results indicated that: (1) compared to females, Chinese males felt they had more control over their lives on the general internality factor; (2) the relationships among the various components of the l-E presented the same pattern for the Chinese as they did for Americans; and (3) I-E was found to relate to many other important variables for the Chinese. These findings were similar to previous findings in the United States and some other countries, indicating that l-E seems to be a potentially meaningful variable across cultures, while some cultural specific characteristics were also unveiled. Future research should be directed at testing I-E in still other cultures and looking further into the dynamics, the uses, and limitations of the l-E construct for the Chinese.

It was predicted that balance (a task variable) interacted with anxiety (a personality trait) and threat (a situational factor) in determining the rate at which a social structure was learned. This general prediction was confirmed by the following findings: (a) The balanced structure was learned more rapidly than the unbalanced one among high-anxious subjects while the two structures were learned at the same rate among low-anxious subjects, (b) Under nonthreat instructions, the balanced structure was learned faster than the unbalanced one at least on the last few trials, whereas under threat instructions, no significant difference was observed during the entire learning session. In addition to these findings, the data also revealed that high-anxious subjects performed better than low-anxious subjects in learning the balanced structure, and the reverse was true when the unbalanced structure was learned. A series of previous experiments has demonstrated that habitual cognitive representations of social relationships, or simply "social schemata" as labeled by Kuethe (1962a, 1962b, 1964), have influences on the learning of a social structure. In a now classical study, DeSoto (1960) found that social structures possessing the mathematical properties (e.g., symmetry and transitivity) that subjects expected in them from experience were easiest to learn. He interpreted his findings as indicating the operation of some well-defined grouping schemata in the subjects who applied them without conscious reflection when learning a social structure, and this explanation was confirmed in a later experiment of his (DeSoto, 1961).

Summary.-The dissonance view of interruption was the basis of a prediction that volition for task commitment and expectation of task completion would affect differential recall of interrupted and completed tasks. 140 university students were randomly assigned to 4 treatment combinations of the 2 independent variables and individually asked to perform 20 paper-and-pencil tasks, half of which were intermpted. It was found that volition and expectation were related to recall of interrupted, but not completed, tasks in an interactive way. That is, higher volition led to better recall of interrupted tasks under low expectation while chere was no differential effect under higher expectation. The interactive results, taken as a whole, suggested an inverted-U relation between magnitude of dissonance and recall of interrupted tasks. In recent years there have been several studies on the relationship between cognitive dissonance and immediate recall of dissonant cognitions or stimuli. Brehrn and Cohen (1962), working directly within the framework of dissonance theory, conducted an experiment in which discrepant fictitious ratings of one's personality characteristics, supposedly made by a friend, were better recalled than consonant ratings. Along the same line, Schlachet (1965) showed that high dissonance (commitment to a greater likelihood of failure) resulted in more recall of dissonant (failure) stimuli in comparison with low dissonance (commitment to less certain failure) or non-dissonance controls. Evidence of the same sort has also been reported by Gerard and Fleischer ( 1967). Starting with a Zeigarnik-effect analogue, these investigators found that the recall of unbalanced stories with a positive P-to-O3 triadic relation in the Heiderian sense took precedence over the recall of balanced ones. Since the concept of imbalance and that of dissonance seem related regardless of whether imbalance is viewed as a kind of dissonance or vice versa (Brown, 1965; Jordan, 1968; Richter, 1965), Gerard and Fleischer's finding may be taken as evidence that dissonance could promote immediate recall of discrepant material. Quite contrary, however, were experimental results obtained by Buss and Brock ( 1963). These investigators had college students who were opposed to 'This article is based upon part of the data collected for a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Psychology from the University of Illinois. Special gratitude is expressed to G. L. Clore, M. E. Fishbein, K. E. Rennet, M. M. Tacsuoka, and K. G. Wia for their helpful suggestions and criticisms. Wow at the National Taiwan University, Taipei, Taiwan, China. 'P-to-0 means that a person (P) has an attitude or sentiment towards some other person (0).

A questionnaire survey was conducted among Chinese students divided between a grade-school sample and a university sample. Social pressure for right-handed writing and eating was effective, but showed limited transfer influence on other activities. Details of the handedness distribution varied with particular item combinations, but the general features of the distribution showed the same characteristics found in Caucasian samples. Distributions of lateral preferences in foot and eye uses, as well as the inter-correlations among hand, foot and eye preferences, were also comparable with Western results. No difference was obtained between the grade-school sample and the university sample, indicating a lack of association between lateral preferences and intelligence in the non-clinical population.

A questionnaire survey of 4143 Chinese was conducted. Social pressure for right-handed writing and eating was effective on these two target skills but showed little indirect influence on hand use in other activities. Neither primiparous birth nor birth to older mothers affected handedness. Twinning, however, seemed to be associated with both decreased right-handedness and lower intelligence.