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The article highlights the opportunities for the introduction of e-government in the institutional system of society on the basis of digital, information and communication technologies (on the example of Ukraine). It develops the concept of digitalization from the point of that information, knowledge and communication technologies constitute the system of social and legal infrastructure of society. It demonstrates that digital society forms the basis of the safety of modern globalized world, expressed in quality indicators of "e-government". It is proved that E-government in the legal system of the country involves: first, creating conditions for interaction between government and citizens through the use of modern information and communication technologies; secondly, the availability and openness of state registers; third, the introduction of e-democracy tools. It is determined that there is a steady tendency in the Ukrainian society to spread e-government tools in the legal sphere through the provision of administrative information services as well as the use of e-democracy technologies. It is also justified that potential of e-democracy technologies is strong enough to create conditions for e-government in legal sphere through technological and technical support of legal services, improving the level of computer iteracy of the population, increasing accessibility and openness of public information.

Misleading claims from credible sources can be more damaging than blatant falsehoods.

Interest in the psychology of misinformation has exploded in recent years. Despite ample research, to date there is no validated framework to measure misinformation susceptibility. Therefore, we introduce Verification done, a nuanced interpretation schema and assessment tool that simultaneously considers Veracity discernment, and its distinct, measurable abilities (real/fake news detection), and biases (distrust/naïvité-negative/positive judgment bias). We then conduct three studies with seven independent samples (N total  = 8504) to show how to develop, validate, and apply the Misinformation Susceptibility Test (MIST). In Study 1 (N = 409) we use a neural network language model to generate items, and use three psychometric methods-factor analysis, item response theory, and exploratory graph analysis-to create the MIST-20 (20 items; completion time < 2 minutes), the MIST-16 (16 items; < 2 minutes), and the MIST-8 (8 items; < 1 minute). In Study 2 (N = 7674) we confirm the internal and predictive validity of the MIST in five national quota samples (US, UK), across 2 years, from three different sampling platforms-Respondi, CloudResearch, and Prolific. We also explore the MIST's nomological net and generate age-, region-, and country-specific norm tables. In Study 3 (N = 421) we demonstrate how the MIST-in conjunction with Verification done-can provide novel insights on existing psychological interventions, thereby advancing theory development. Finally, we outline the versatile implementations of the MIST as a screening tool, covariate, and intervention evaluation framework. As all methods are transparently reported and detailed, this work will allow other researchers to create similar scales or adapt them for any population of interest., (© 2023. The Author(s).)

Effectively reducing climate change requires marked, global behavior change. However, it is unclear which strategies are most likely to motivate people to change their climate beliefs and behaviors. Here, we tested 11 expert-crowdsourced interventions on four climate mitigation outcomes: beliefs, policy support, information sharing intention, and an effortful tree-planting behavioral task. Across 59,440 participants from 63 countries, the interventions' effectiveness was small, largely limited to nonclimate skeptics, and differed across outcomes: Beliefs were strengthened mostly by decreasing psychological distance (by 2.3%), policy support by writing a letter to a future-generation member (2.6%), information sharing by negative emotion induction (12.1%), and no intervention increased the more effortful behavior-several interventions even reduced tree planting. Last, the effects of each intervention differed depending on people's initial climate beliefs. These findings suggest that the impact of behavioral climate interventions varies across audiences and target behaviors.