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This paper traces the history and evolution of humanist re-use of the first couplet of Propertius's elegy 2, 2, from Gregorio Tifernate's Poemata to the end of the Quattrocento. Continued re-use of the couplet, or of its constituent elements, make it a veritable commonplace at a time when collections of loci communi were first coming into existence as ordered and consciously prepared works. The attraction of this particular couplet from Propertius was enhanced considerably by a parallel use in the Petrarchan vernacular love poetry tradition. This poetic commonplace became so well established that its very language appears in Christian moral poetry from the period, as evidenced by an example taken from Baptista Mantuanus's collection of eclogues entitled Adulescentia. The commonplace established by Quattrocento elegiac poets thus became a weapon in the arsenal of edifying Christian poetry, whose authors redeployed elegiac language in their criticism of mankind's excessive devotion to earthly passions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Arbitrium is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the interpretation of specific lines from Sextus Propertius and the debate surrounding textual emendations and grammatical nuances. It reports that scholars have examined the use of possessive forms and adjectival constructions. It highlights the complexities of translating and interpreting these passages. It mentions the disagreement over the correct form of certain words and offers multiple reasons for different interpretations.

This article explores the poetry of Johannes Kepler, a well-known astronomer, mathematician, and physicist. Kepler's poems, written in Latin, Greek, and German, demonstrate his skill in classical meters and his ability to adapt them. The article highlights a recently published collection of Kepler's poetry, which includes translations and annotations to aid modern readers. The poems cover a range of topics, including scientific and personal themes. The article praises the volume for its comprehensive commentary, although it suggests that organizing the poems thematically could have provided clearer understanding. Additionally, the article discusses three specific poems, providing translations and analysis that offer insight into Kepler's life and thoughts. [Extracted from the article]

In this paper the poetic vocabulary of Valerius Flaccus is investigated by means of a quantitative analysis based on the concordances to Vergil, Lucan, Valerius Flaccus, Statius, and Silius Italicus. The collected statistics confirm the statement of Manu Leumann that the language of high hexametric poetry is unified and consolidated by the 1st century CE. Furthermore, it emerges that, with regard to vocabulary, Valerius Flaccus is the most selective of all the epic poets of this period. A closer look at usages that are only rarely attested in the Argonauticacasts doubt on the hypothesis that many of these words were coined by Valerius Flaccus. Instead, many words can already be found in the works of his predecessors. Hence, the widespread theory of 'ad hoc inventions' made by Valerius and borrowed by the subsequent poets has to be rejected. It is argued that these rarities are part of the language of Latin poetry, that they were adopted by Valerius and sometimes by his contemporaries from earlier poetry that has not survived, and that Valerius' vocabulary should not be regarded as evidence of the poet's inventiveness but rather interpreted as reflecting the conventional language of Latin hexameter poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores how 18th-century English poetry has been presented to and described for modern readers by literary historians and anthologists. Topics discussed include representation of verse by women and labouring-class writers and poetry that displays engagement with low-life and quotidian issues, poet engagement between Augustanism and Romanticism, and inclusion of translated verse in anthologies of English verse such as the case of "Iliad."

This article explores some of the complex verbal links between Lucan's Bellum civile and Ennius' Annales. Contrary to more expected practices of poetic reference, Lucan's allusive gestures at Ennian verse (Ann. 234–35 Skutsch) are shown to be aimed simultaneously at Cicero's Pro Balbo , the speech that preserves the fragmentary lines. They are examples of a curious variant of "window reference" or "two-tier allusion." Despite Lucan almost certainly having read the lines set within their original context in Ennius' epic, his poem also activates them as a quotation ensconced within Cicero's speech. Through allusion to Ennius' Hannibal, Lucan's epic uses the Annales to recall its (now largely unknown) depiction of the Carthaginian general. At the same time, it refers to Cicero's speech as the transmitting source and as a meaningful interpretation of the fragment that provides both a "corrected" characterization and additional content of marked importance to Lucan's poem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this paper, panegyric epic poems by Claudian, Sidonius, and Gorippus are considered together for the first time as examples of the late antique reception of the Punica. It is argued that these late antique poets in their works about African campaigns referred to the depiction of Scipio Africanus, the first great Roman victor in Africa, in the last books of the Punica (the "Scipias"). This is suggested by explicit references, scene imitations as well as literal quotations. The paper thus aims to contribute to a better understanding of the impact of the Punica on late antique Latin poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Itinerarios (1507-7241) is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Perífrasis. Revista de Literatura, Teoría y Crítica is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Tom McInally's book, "Strachan of the Mearns: Seventeenth-Century Orientalist," provides a comprehensive account of George Strachan, a Scottish scholar and traveler who explored the Islamic world in the 17th century. Strachan, born into a Catholic gentry family, studied and taught in France before being exiled from Scotland. He traveled to Jerusalem, Constantinople, and Aleppo, where he became a personal physician to the Bedouin Emir Feyyād Abū Rīsha. Strachan collected important Islamic manuscripts and continued his travels to Persia, India, and Nepal. McInally's research sheds light on Strachan's life and contributions to scholarship, making this book a valuable resource for understanding early modern global interaction and Anglophone travel in the Islamic world. [Extracted from the article]

This paper discusses textual problems in an anonymous Late Latin poem entitled Exhortatio poenitendi. In his classic edition (Berlin 1914), Karl Strecker used nine witnesses. In my critical edition from 2021, I studied, collated, and classified twenty manuscripts of this poem and established a new stemma codicum; a manuscript not known to me at the time has been used in this paper. In this article I propose new conjectures absent from my edition, reject other proposals made by previous editors, and discuss lines in which either the stemma cannot be used to guide the editor in the choice of readings, the diffusion of variants is irregular, or I have made a choice different from that of previous editors. Many of the disputed passages can now be clarified in the light of two other works attributed to the same anonymous author (the Lamentum poenitentiae and the Oratio pro correptione uitae), which were published together with the Exhortatio poenitendi for the first time in my 2021 edition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This brief survey of the context, structure and content of the De rusticis Brasiliae rebus (1781) highlights various aspects of Virgil's influence on José Rodrigues de Melo's four-book didactic poem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the allusive strategy of the late second-century cento-tragedy Medea attributed to Hosidius Geta, which recounts Medea's revenge against Jason using verses from the works of Virgil. It argues that the text's author recognized a consistent strand of characterization in earlier treatments of the Medea myth, whereby the heroine's filicide is presented as a corrupted sacrifice. Geta selectively uses verses from thematically significant episodes in the Aeneid —the lying tale of Sinon and the death of Laocoön; the murder of Priam; the suicide of Dido—at key points to foreground the theme of pseudo-sacrificial violence. Geta's use of Virgil evinces a keen appreciation both of the symbolism of the broader mythic tradition in which his text is situated and of the original narrative contexts of the verses he recycles. The article's findings contribute to a growing recognition of the creative potential afforded by the cento technique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This note on Propertius 4.7 argues that Cynthia, repeatedly cast in the role of the poet's Muse, rejects the burden of inspiration through a learned choice of words (non tamen insector , 4.7.49). The verb insector constitutes a clear reference to the invocation of the Camena in Livius Andronicus and of the Muse in Ennius. Cynthia recalibrates the parlance of poetic inspiration to end her relationship with Propertius, both as his puella and as his Muse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses textually problematic passages in Catullus 63, a particularly corrupt poem from a particularly corrupt manuscript tradition. It proposes new conjectures and revives several old ones. Throughout there are notes on punctuation, conjecture attribution and an analysis of the structure of Attis' lament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Moreana is the property of Edinburgh University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This discussion addresses selected English versions of the late Latin poem the Pervigilium Veneris from the seventeenth century to the twentieth. Most translations, these versions show, construct the poem in accordance with their own era's tastes and assumptions, but this predictable outcome is not the only one possible. Creative translations are different: they seem to show not (or not only) how the work was once seen, but what it still is, or can be. Thus translations are able, in special cases, to do much more than provide evidence about how a cultural artifact of the past has been constructed over time – the usual starting point in reception study. In this instance the early translations by Thomas Stanley (1647) and Thomas Parnell (1722), rather than any of those which have proliferated since the nineteenth century, belong in this special category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay pursues a double goal. On the one hand, it aims to characterize the authorial staging of Gabriela Mistral by the year 1922, in the context of publication of her first poetry book, Desolación. On the other hand, it inquires into the process that led to the first edition of the book, which did not occur in Chile but in New York City (USA) due to the Spanish philologist Federico de Onís' mediation. The study's methodology shifts the focus from the poetic writing analysis itself to the dynamics of the Ibero-American literary and cultural fields. In this way, this essay elaborates on the conditions that allowed Mistral to have her book published and to consolidate her authorial figuration as a Latin American poet and intellectual of international relevance between the decades of 1920 and 1950. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Impossibilia: Revista Internacional de Estudios Literarios is the property of Impossibilia: Revista Internacional de Estudios Literarios and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Almost all of John Gower's very last writings are in Latin verse and politically inflected. Lost sheep and negligent shepherds (pastores) wander through a remarkable number of these poems. Drawing on biblical imagery and on his own earlier poetic treatment of pastoral misdirection in Vox clamantis, Gower found in lost sheep an enabling metaphor for his moral, satirical, and self-reflexive poetic project. In particular, Gower systematically associates the metaphor of lost sheep with simony (the selling of church privileges) and the hypocrisy of the secular clergy. This essay traces this figure of thought through Vox clamantis, De lucis scrutinio, Presul ovile regis, and Cultor in ecclesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay brings to light a newly identified and previously unpublished poem by C.S. Lewis and Owen Barfield. The poem is written in Latin and is entitled 'De Arca Noe'. The essay presents the poem for the first time, transcribing the Latin (with a prose translation) and providing detailed context. The contextual discussion situates the poem within other poetic collaborations by Lewis and Barfield, explains why it has hitherto slipped under the radar of Lewis and Barfield scholars based on its archival context (particularly at the Bodleian), considers earlier fragmentary texts which are closely related to 'De Arca Noe', proposes a date (with rationale) for this undated manuscript text, and provides a full transcription with discussion of the physical copies of the collaborative working draft of 'De Arca Noe', as well as a translation with notes to the Latin text. Finally, it considers 'De Arca Noe' in relation to Lewis's other more famous poetic handling of the Noah story, 'The Sailing of the Ark'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is considerable literary evidence that gives us some insight into the Jewish culture in the city of Rome from different perspectives after the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE. Yet, there are few primary accounts of Jews in the city of Rome during the 1st century BCE. In this article it is argued that there was already a significant Jewish population in Rome during the middle of the 1st century BCE and it already had a noted influence on daily life in the capital city. In the wake of the Roman Republic’s imperialistic successes, the city saw an influx of foreign peoples and cultures, including Jews, and they were mentioned in the literature of the time. The little that was written about Jews during this time pertain to those aspects of their culture and religion that appeared peculiar to the Romans, especially in the so-called higher genres of philosophical treatises or history. Yet, we also have texts describing everyday live in Republican Rome – lyric and elegiac poetry. These, too, feature references to Jewish culture. Although Roman poetry is never explicitly interested in Jews or Jewish people, it did paint a picture of Rome at street-level, so to speak, through the eyes of a literate citizen and this picture sometimes included Jews. In this article this type of evidence available to us will be reconsidered to fill in the gap in our historical knowledge. Contribution: This article presents an interpretation of Jews and Jewish practices mentioned during the 1st century BCE in Roman poetry. The poetry of Tibullus, Horace and Ovid, written from a Roman perspective, have been contextualised in their literary traditions and informed by the established philosophical opinions of the time from Cicero, Varro and Lucretius. The result is a useful discussion of how extensive and how reliable these sources are for the understanding of Jewish culture in Rome during the 1st century BCE.

Dido's gifts to the shipwrecked Trojans in book 1 of the Aeneid resemble suitors' gifts (ἕδνα) recorded in the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women. Reading Dido against a Hesiodic rather than Homeric model casts her as a suitor of Aeneas, which in turn lends further coloring to the composition of Aeneas's reciprocating gifts of a palla ("dress"), uelamen ("veil"), corona ("crown"), and jewelry, gifts associated in Greek tragedy with the bridal trousseau (φερναί). The (imperfect) recasting of Dido and Aeneas as suitor and bride, respectively, only becomes legible when better attention is paid to the gendered dynamics of exchange and modes of female communication within the Aeneid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores various forms of commemoration for poets and friends, including iconographical, literary, and linguistic monuments, as depicted in poet John Milton's poem "Mansus." It discusses the material significance of phrases like "Angelus ipse fores," potentially alluding to Italian scholar Giovanni Battista Manso's chapel in St. Angelo a Foro, Italy where he erected a marble cenotaph and bronze bust in honor of Marino.

The article examines John Owen's Latin Epigrammata collection which went through numerous editions in the U.K. and Europe. Topics include Owen's adoption of common satiric practice of using pseudonyms or initials to identify the many names in his epigrams, the corrections made by multiple editors of Epigrammata to the identification of Sir Toby Matthew, and an analysis of text of epigram 8.38.

This paper contributes to the reassessment of the role of Lucretius' De rerum natura and Epicurean philosophy in early Christian writings by conducting a close study of Carmen 23 composed by the poet Paulinus of Nola. While previous scholarship has examined classical influences on Paulinus' poetry, especially from Vergil, no existing study has attended to Paulinus' incorporation of Epicurean elements. This paper argues that in Carmen 23 Paulinus incorporates Epicurean doctrines and Lucretius' poetic imagery to appeal to an audience familiar with Epicurean ideas. Through the creative fusion of Epicurean physics with Christian metaphysics, Paulinus conjures up a poetic world in which the natural and spiritual realms constantly interact. While using Lucretian imagery to direct his audience's gaze toward the natural world, Paulinus nevertheless reveals a higher reality in which the invisible operation of God's spirit governs and perfects the mechanism of nature. In thus stretching his poetic imagination to encompass the working of nature and spirit, Paulinus invents a new eclectic literary form and a kind of physiological miracle account that blends naturalism and mysticism. As such, Carmen 23 attests to Paulinus' literary achievement in repurposing a classic of Epicurean philosophy and Latin poetry for Christian panegyric and hagiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abraham Cowley's Latin poem Sex Libri Plantarum, published posthumously in 1668, is arguably his masterpiece, yet it is relatively under-studied. Its rich annotations include scientific – mainly botanical and medical – as well as historical, linguistic, and mythological information, with many classical and early modern quotations. To date, the only published complete English translation remains the 1689 version assembled by Nahum Tate, Six Books of Plants, which features much sparser marginalia. What can these very different patterns of annotation tell us about their creators' priorities, twenty years apart? To investigate, we quantify and systematically compare the Latin and English notes. We find that the two serve different purposes: while those in Plantarum function as a counterpoint to, and corrective dialogue with, the text, those in Six Books are mainly interpretative. The translators who collaborated on Six Books were actively, even idiosyncratically, selective about how they retained Cowley's marginalia in English. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that at Lucr. 6.391 (icti flammas ut fulguris halent) fulguris is a corruption, and proposes to read sulpuris instead. While the case against fulguris may in itself not be incontrovertible, the advantages of sulpuris include the acquisition of a new Homeric intertext in Il. 8.135 δεινὴ δὲ φλὸξ ὦρτο θεείου καιομένοιο. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text proposes an approach to the poetry of the Paraguayan Susy Delgado, under the prism of the (de)colonial debate, as a writing that is erected in a border in-between, or in the midst of transits and dynamics of friction between languages and identities, in the contemporary Paraguayan context. In addition to her poetic importance, we also highlight the political activities of Susy Delgado who, as a journalist and manager, has been playing a key role in the official languages of Paraguay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this paper is to find out the author of the three Latin verses quoted by Pérez Galdós in his novel El 19 de marzo y el 2 de mayo (1873). After discarding Pérez Galdós himself and Sánchez Barbero (prima facie more likely) as authors, we have found the source in a Neo-Latin poem written in honor of Godoy and preserved in two handwritten copies, one in the Royal Academy of History and the other in Menéndez Pelayo's Library. The real author is the Enlightenment thinker Joaquín Traggia. This fact, in its turn, raises the problem of how Pérez Galdós could come to know any of these manuscripts around 1872. In addition, the manuscript text has been compared with Galdós's quotation in the printed version as well as in his own handwritten text. In sum, we have determined the authorship of the Latin quotation and its origin; we have considered the new literary context of these verses in Pérez Galdós's novel; and lastly, a new, amended edition of such verses is proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers three manuscript witnesses to the Musæ Responsoriæ , George Herbert's answer to Andrew Melville's polemical poem Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoria. None of these, two of them complete copies, was known to Herbert's first modern editor, F. E. Hutchinson, nor are they mentioned in any of the several subsequent editions of Herbert's Latin verse, all of which follow Hutchinson's sole source, the 1662 Ecclesiastes Solomonis of James Duport. In addition to providing descriptions of their contents and provenance, we survey the substantive variants and accidentals pertaining to the two complete copies and argue why one in particular will supplant Duport as copy-text for the new edition of Herbert's works currently in progress for Oxford University Press. Our essay also presents a hitherto unknown Latin epigram that appears in the other complete copy and considers evidence for attributing the poem to the author of The Temple. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents the first Polish translation of a mini-series of six short poems about Hyella by Andrea Navagero (1483-1529). The selected works are part of Navagero's famous Latin poetry collection entitled Lusus. The translation is supplemented by an introduction and commentary notes. The Latin text reproduced in the paper is based on the edition of Lusus by Claudio Griggio (2001). The introduction presents the author's biography and includes a brief description of the whole collection. Navagero was a diplomat, a poet and the official historian of the Republic of Venice. Collected by friends in Orationes duae, carminaque nonnulla, his poems were edited posthumously in Venice in 1530. The most important part of Lusus are bucolic epigrams, a new form of Neo-Latin pastoral developed by Navagero. This minor lyric form called "pastoral play" (lusus pastoralis) gained recognition quickly and was widely imitated in 16th century. The collection also includes other literary genres - bucolic poems, elegies, and erotic poems. However, the most famous is the series of epigrams whose heroine or addressee is Hyella, a girl impossible to identify. The introduction presents a discussion about the sources and the interpretation of the love poems about Hyella (poems 21, 22, 28, 31, 32 and 37). The most important literary tradition from which Navagero draws inspiration is the Greek and Latin ancient epigram. For poem 21, the source is the Anacreontea 19, while poem 22 uses the motifs of the lamp and the night as the guardians of lovers, both popular in The Greek Anthology. For two other pieces, the direct source is the poetry of Catullus: poem 31 uses Catullus's carmen 5, while poem 32 combines motifs from Catullus's carmina 82, 92 and 109. In addition, in poem 28 we find similarities with Ausonius's epigram 9. Other important sources for Navagero were the poetry of Petrarch and the neo-Catullan poets, mostly Giovanni Pontano, Michele Marullo, and Cristoforo Landino. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although it proves to be a difficult task, we still can identify more literary texts from the Middle Ages addressing homoerotic love than we might have expected. Even when poets voiced severe criticism and radically condemned homosexuality, their comments serve us well to identify more specifically the actual discourse behind the official scene. Although legal and Church authorities consistently characterized 'sodomy' as one of the worst sins a Christian could commit, since late antiquity, and certainly throughout the Middle Ages, the phenomenon, a biological fact, existed, of course, and was also addressed in veiled or open language. This article examines a selection of relevant literary and didactic works that shed more light on this issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is devoted to the depiction of Jews, Jewishness and the stereotypes connected therewith in Latin humanist poetry (from approximately the first third of the 16th century to the beginning of the 17th century). An analysis of the texts of ‘occasional poetry’ confirmed the predominant antiJewish discourse which pervaded the intellectual circles to whom the authors of this poetry mostly belonged during the time of Renaissance humanism.

In this article, Rubén Quiroz Avila analyzes academic neo-Eurocentrism and its discursive strategy of concealing and delegitimizing the argument of the Peruvian transbaroque. The author argues that in Peru, different literary systems coexist, with the traditional Spanish system being dominant. The transbaroque, although part of a hegemonic sector, questions cultural heterogeneity and conformity to the market. On the other hand, Spanish scholar José Antonio Paniagua García criticizes decoloniality and the emancipatory project of the Peruvian transbaroque, considering them essentialist and a patriotic invention. Paniagua argues that the transbaroque anthology is a reterritorialization that seeks to establish an official canon. In his second article, Paniagua criminalizes transbaroque and equates it with other baroque forms of Latin American poetry. The text criticizes the transnational perspective in the study of Latin American literature, arguing that it does not refer to specific aesthetic phenomena of the region. The author also questions the homogeneity of national identity and the influence of the metropolitan canon in the theorization of the Peruvian transbaroque. The existence of a supposed "kidnapping" of the semantic horizons of other literary appearances in Latin America is mentioned. The author uses the Journal of Literary Criticism and the Iberoamerican/Vervuert publishing house to launch his arguments from the Spanish academy and address a specific readership. The text criticizes the position of critic Paniagua regarding the concept of transbaroque and its relationship with decoloniality. It is argued that Paniagua confuses and distorts the concepts, and that his Eurocentric vision does not understand the diversity of indigenous epistemes in Latin America. Furthermore, his accusation that the transbaroque has kidnapped concepts from other Latin American poetic proposals is criticized. The importance of recognizing the historical context and political violence in transbaroque production is emphasized. The text discusses the fundamental difference between transbaroque and its Parisian counterparts, highlighting its emergence in Peru during the colonial era as a reformulation of the Iberian baroque. Despite the historical evidence, Paniagua characterizes the transbaroque in a hostile and aggressive manner as a manipulative operation of Latin American neobaroque. The text also mentions the Peruvian literary tradition and its connection to indigenous baroque, dismantling the fallacies constructed by Paniagua. The importance of recognizing otherness and questioning the hegemonic literary canon is emphasized. [Extracted from the article]

There is considerable literary evidence that gives us some insight into the Jewish culture in the city of Rome from different perspectives after the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE. Yet, there are few primary accounts of Jews in the city of Rome during the 1st century BCE. In this article it is argued that there was already a significant Jewish population in Rome during the middle of the 1st century BCE and it already had a noted influence on daily life in the capital city. In the wake of the Roman Republic's imperialistic successes, the city saw an influx of foreign peoples and cultures, including Jews, and they were mentioned in the literature of the time. The little that was written about Jews during this time pertain to those aspects of their culture and religion that appeared peculiar to the Romans, especially in the so-called higher genres of philosophical treatises or history. Yet, we also have texts describing everyday live in Republican Rome – lyric and elegiac poetry. These, too, feature references to Jewish culture. Although Roman poetry is never explicitly interested in Jews or Jewish people, it did paint a picture of Rome at street-level, so to speak, through the eyes of a literate citizen and this picture sometimes included Jews. In this article this type of evidence available to us will be reconsidered to fill in the gap in our historical knowledge. Contribution: This article presents an interpretation of Jews and Jewish practices mentioned during the 1st century BCE in Roman poetry. The poetry of Tibullus, Horace and Ovid, written from a Roman perspective, have been contextualised in their literary traditions and informed by the established philosophical opinions of the time from Cicero, Varro and Lucretius. The result is a useful discussion of how extensive and how reliable these sources are for the understanding of Jewish culture in Rome during the 1st century BCE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Filología Clásica: Estudios Latinos is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The presented group of late Republican to early Imperial intagli consists of round layered stones (sardonyx, cornelian onyx) with a flat reverse side, which are strongly convex on the front side. Their horizontally stacked and differently coloured plies are sanded on the front to form concentric rings around a dark centre. The motif incised in this centre looks like an eidolon in the pupil of a 'fisheye'. Most of these motifs can be interpreted against the background of Augustan love poetry. It is possible that gems of this kind were gifts of love and, due to their striking design as an eye, also had an apotropaic function. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Atalanta: Revista de las Letras Barrocas is the property of Atalanta Revista de las Letras Barrocas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This document examines the interpretation of a specific line in the Latin poem Culex. The line in question contains the phrase "densas pastor pecudes cogebat in umbras," and there is debate over whether the adjective "densas" should modify "pecudes" or "umbras." The author argues that it should be understood as "when the goatherd was gathering his flock into the thick shade," based on the context and the author's usage. The article suggests that the current reading may be a result of a scribal error and proposes a correction to the text. The document also provides a bibliography for further research. [Extracted from the article]

The numerous literary texts quoted in Alberto Arbasino’s Fratelli d’Italia include a vast number of Latin authors, such as Petronius, Catullus, Persius, Juvenal, Horace, Martial and Macrobius, which Arbasino modified and enriched in the four editions of his work. This article aims to show how Arbasino integrated Classical texts in a context/cotext of modern avant-garde, and discusses their importance for the contemporary Italian writer.