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The article examines the history of the relationships between the U.S. and Liberia, as well as the responsibility of the U.S. to establish a strong government in Liberia before deporting Liberian refugees back to their country.

In the 1840s, Liberia was a black settler state on the West African coast which avowedly supported the connected ideologies of Christianity, commerce, and 'civilisation'. However, from the 1870s, as the rest of West Africa began to be divided up into colonies, adherence to these 'Western' values did not spare Liberia's leaders from some of the disruptive consequences of European expansionism. This article frames these consequences in the context of commercial clashes between the Liberian state and European traders (and their companies). These clashes predated Liberia's declaration of independence in 1847, worsened thereafter, and later became increasingly politicised with the stricter enforcement of colonial law in the region in the 1870s, partly as a result of economic crisis. On the coast, Liberian officials struggled legally and militarily to stave off the activities of European smugglers with diplomatic backing. In the interior, commercial alliances were forged with local authorities in an attempt to keep out the French and the British, in particular. Conflicts over the collection of customs duties, the setting of borders, and, ultimately, the nature and extent of Liberian sovereignty, reached a climax during the Berlin Conference (1884–1885). The Conference led Liberia, by 1904, to implement its own version of colonial 'indirect rule': first and foremost to safeguard its independence, secondarily as a tool of expansion. In spite of major losses Liberian leaders were ultimately able to strengthen the country's standing as a member of the international community of nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflict and its resolution have often been part of human history. While the post-colonial state has often been the focus when explaining the persistence of conflicts and its resolution in Africa, the benefits of such focus and analysis has not been enough to explain the intra-and inter-state nature of conflicts and conflict management in Africa. This necessitates a reconsideration of conflict management strategies. Such reconsideration will show the intricate ways conflicts and its resolutions are shaped, especially in post-conflict societies, through the instrumentality of Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) mechanism. With Liberia as the focus and unit of analysis, it noted that the country has been the epicentre of several years of violent conflicts with both internal and external dimensions, raising questions about the effectiveness of the orthodox conflict management mechanisms given that the Liberian conflict was intractable for a long time. However, the adoption of alternative dispute resolution mechanisms has helped resolve most, if not all, of the conflicts. This paper, therefore, examines the local, traditional and communal alternative dispute resolution mechanisms used to solve the Liberian crisis. Specifically, the paper interrogates traditional methods of conflict resolution, inclusive of communalism, ethnocultural perception of conflicts and its resolution, aswell as epistemic and ethical protocols guiding peace-building efforts. This is with the aim to provide an understanding of Africa's peace initiatives, choices and options. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses original survey data to study the effects of the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) on the political attitudes and behaviors of ordinary Liberians. Three results emerge: (i) UNMIL has positive, statistically significant effects on political participation measured over multiple outcome indicators; (ii) UNMIL’s effects display heterogeneity across individual outcome indicators, most positive effects are concentrated around measures associated with participation in national politics as well as political interest and efficacy, while the effects on participation in local politics are mixed; and (iii) self-reported measures of citizens’ interactions with UNMIL military personnel and exposure to democracy and to human rights campaigns carried out by international actors have strong positive associations with political participation, suggesting that results are driven by security and nonsecurity mechanisms. This article discusses the implications of these findings and areas for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This study uses a Diagnostic Framework for Local Governance to evaluate the current capacity for administrative decentralization at the county level in Liberia, as well as to identify political economy challenges and opportunities surrounding decentralization. Applying the Problem‐Driven Iterative Adaptation (PDIA) framework to our findings, we offer recommendations for moving decentralization reform forward. We find strong demand for administrative decentralization among local officials, and propose that decentralization reform can be enhanced through incremental implementation that focuses on strengthening the existing structures and capacity of local administration, and through the creation of stronger accountability and participatory mechanisms. The triangulated research design includes focus group and interview data in eight Liberian counties, analyzed using NVivo Qualitative Data Analysis Software. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates if the adoption of the Liberian Freedom of Information (FOI) law 2010 has led to a transparent government and increased the free flow of government information. Freeing government information is expected to create transparent and accountable governments. It brings forth democratic and inclusive government institutions that work for the people. Inclusivity, transparency and accountability are expected to address sustainable development challenges and democracy deficits. Transparency and accountability can only be achieved through access to government information. The right to access government information is also included in the national constitution of Liberia. The citizens of Liberia in West Africa suffered from a protracted civil war between 1989–1996 and 1999–2003 respectively. These wars were partly caused by non-accountability of the governments, endemic corruption and the mismanagement of the countries’ resources. Efforts are being made by the government with the help of the international community to embrace a new democratic dispensation. Liberia was also one of the first African countries to enact a Freedom of Information (FOI) Law that would enable Liberians to access government information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a political economy approach, this study examines the nature, dynamics, and causes of the expansion of the Liberian public sector. The findings show that the major causes for the expansion of the Liberian public sector did not fit those provided by the literature—citizens’ demands for new services, and other issues that emerge from state-building. Instead, the politico-economic interests of the Liberian ruling class (both the internal and external wings) are the major causes for the increase in the size of the government. These interests include serving the interests of corporate capitalism, and the private accumulation of wealth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Liberia, women's advocacy has been crucial in bringing peace after 14 years of conflict as well as in electing Africa's first female president. While the accomplishments of the women's movement have been widely praised, some authors have suggested that the once vibrant movement is crumbling. In this article we claim that one of the most important challenges for the Liberian women's movement comes precisely from its internationally proclaimed success, provoking four related outcomes: First, different women's organisations compete for the credit of the success story; second, the national government has tried to appropriate the movement and integrate it into governmental structures; third, the relationship between the movement and its international partners has evolved towards mutual disappointment due to a lack of sustainable funding and unmet expectations; and fourth, the movement seems stuck in the peacemaker label and unable to redefine itself to engage in new battles as international aid diminishes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly UN peacekeeping missions are helping to implement security sector reforms (SSR), including gender reforms, targeted at the local police of host countries. This study uses the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) and the Liberian National Police (LNP) as a way to explore whether SSR may have helped improve individual officers' professional and gender competencies. Conducting a novel lab-in-the-field experiment, we test the individual competencies of 612 LNP officers, also analysing possible determinants of these competencies. We find that most officers have knowledge about statutory crimes and evidence gathering, most officers participate in group activities, almost half are aware of gendered crimes and that male and female officers are equally competent. However, our results suggest that the reforms are at the nascent stages of working, and that more focus should be put into basic training and gender mainstreaming in the Liberian National Police, especially as new recruits are added. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article investigates legitimacy and foreign relations of Liberia’s two most important recent rulers. It argues that Charles Taylor was widely considered legitimate in Liberia and that the Weberian concept of charismatic authority best explains the popularity of the former warlord and president. Charisma, however, is tied to specific cultural contexts and Taylor’s popularity was not intelligible to Western audiences. By contrast, Johnson Sirleaf frames her policies in terms appealing to both the domestic and international audiences. As a consequence, she succeeded to attract significant foreign assistance enabling her to increase legitimacy and strengthen stability. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Elections in postconflict countries are commonly seen as evidence that hostilities have come to an end and a new era of peace, reconciliation, and development will begin; however, the reality may be quite different, particularly when setbacks include lingering antagonism and ongoing division between opposing groups or former parties to the conflict. With a focus on the 2011 elections in postconflict Liberia, this article presents some of the central historical background to be considered, the dilemmas to be resolved, and obstacles to be overcome if not only democratic elections, but also a democratic society, is to emerge there. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses anti-corruption efforts in post-conflict Liberia. It highlights citizens’ views on the definition of corruption and argues that, in the past, anti-corruption efforts have often focused on institution building and formal justice mechanisms without sufficient understanding of accountability dynamics on the ground. Anti-corruption approaches in Liberia have only nominally examined whether there is a shared understanding of what ‘corruption’ is and why it is regarded as a problem. The paper examines the social norms and perceptions that underlie understandings of the term corruption. It argues that the international community may have overlooked the fact that ‘corruption’ has become an all-encompassing term that masks a myriad of differing priorities and concerns. The authors posit that ‘accountability’ may be a more useful lens for those actors hoping to improve governance in these contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Many ‘post-conflict’ countries face difficulties in reaping the full benefits of their natural resource wealth for reconstruction and development purposes. This is a major issue given these countries’ needs and the risk of seeing ‘mismanaged’ primary sectors undermine a transition to peace. Bringing together debates about the ‘inequality-mistrust-corruption’ trap and relationships between natural resources and corruption, this paper suggest that some resource sectors may be more likely to foster inequalities, and thereby increase corruption and distrust, while others are less likely to do so. Reviewing arguments and empirical evidence, I point to the relative importance of transition contexts, stakeholder incentives and resource sector characteristics, and suggest how resource-related corruption may be better understood in relation to trust-building and reconciliation processes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the U.S. government's operations in Liberia from 1970 to 2003, such as helping to remove former Liberian President Charles Taylor from power. It argues that the U.S. was instrumental in removing three Liberian governments, through methods which changed from covert operations in the 1970s to overt intervention in 2003. It provides data and analysis that questions literature which ignores or marginalizes the role of external powers in the Liberian Civil War.

The article focuses on the imposition of a Western justice system in Liberia as a source of conflict. Topics discussed include the rule of law adopted by the U.S and the United Nations, the components of Liberia's formal and customary justice systems along with their strengths and weaknesses and Liberia's approach to the rule of law reform after the civil war. It also discusses Liberia's new approach focusing on strengthening the rule of law and reaching international standards.

The article offers information on the conviction of a Liberian politician and 22nd President of Liberia Charles Taylor by the Special Court for Sierra Leone and discusses its impact on state responsibility claims against Liberia. Topics discussed include relationship between the separate realms of individual and state responsibility, individual accountability for war crimes as per the International law, and remedies under both individual and state responsibility on crimes against humanity.

The momentous 2005 Liberian elections followed a devastating civil war. Remarkably, the winner of the presidential race was a woman, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, and the second-placed was a footballer, George Weah. In addition, in stark contrast to many African elections in particular those in neighbouring Sierra Leone, voting patterns were fragmented: voters often chose President, Senators and Representatives from different parties or independents. Much can be explained by a remarkably level playing-field delivered by an interim coalition government providing no incumbent. In 2011, the Johnson-Sirleaf incumbency stood to significantly change the dynamics. This article seeks to discern whether Liberian elections maintain their unusual patterns, whether Liberia has joined the ranks of African patron-clientelist, dominant-party or two-party systems, in particular compared to that of Sierra Leone, or whether there are new twists in its democratic development. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The process of post-conflict reconstruction in Liberia involves an array of actors vying for power. Many of the key political and civic figures involved are former warlords, whose reigns of terror affected many they now work with and serve. By reframing themselves through social media these warlords have created new centers of power, embracing their new roles as public servants and renouncing past acts of terrorism. This article focuses on two of Liberia’s most notorious former warlords, Prince Johnson and Joshua Blahyi. Johnson, now Senator Johnson, was best known for swilling beer while he conducted the video-taped torture of President Doe. Joshua Blahyi, formerly General Butt Naked, who infamously drank children’s blood before running naked into battle, is now a born-again preacher with his own faith-based NGO. We argue that their use of social media has enabled them to reconstruct and reframe their ‘past lives’, ensuring these cannot become political liabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

By attributing recent violent conflicts in Africa to decades of underdevelopment which can be traced back to the colonial times, there is scholarly consent among pan-African scholars that the present African state is a neo-colonial construct and must be democratically reconstituted. In response to the pan-African intellectual-political project, this paper will provide a comparative historical-structural analysis of the post-colonial state formation processes in D. R. Congo, Liberia and Sierra Leone. There will be a discussion in the conclusion on the confrontation of the sub-Saharan African states with post-colonial governance imbroglio. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political participation of the U.S.-based Liberian diaspora represents an archetypical case in the debate about the role of the diaspora as conflict drivers and peacemakers. This is because the U.S.-based diaspora supported armed rebellion against the Doe and Taylor regimes. However, the postwar democratic transition in Liberia has offered the U.S.-based Liberian diaspora the space to be active political participants--which has serious implications for peace building. The political participation of the U.S.-based diaspora does not guarantee a benign outcome; nevertheless, noncontentious political activities aimed at lobbying host-country support for peace building, building rational legal institutions, and financially supporting moderate political parties instead of belligerent homeland forces bode well for peace building. In contrast, contentious politics that pitch diaspora Liberians against home-based Liberians over the issue of dual nationality, perceived diaspora dominance in public office, and diaspora corruption are counterproductive to peace building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Since the end of the Liberian civil war in August 2003 the international community has been 'making plans' for Liberia. However, it rarely questioned whether these plans were in accordance with the political and economic logic of the peace agreement and the subsequent transitional government. The consequence was that corruption continued and a much more intrusive economic management plan was established. The Governance and Economic Management Assistance Programme (gemap) is supposed to combat corruption and facilitate good governance, but it also limits the range of policy options for the new democratically elected government of Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf. The irony is that the best and most legitimate government that Liberia has ever had is subject to stronger external control than any of its predecessors. The probability that this scheme will remain sustainable when donor interest shifts elsewhere is low, and what is needed is a more pragmatic approach that draws a wider segment of Liberian society into anti-corruption management and creates checks and balances between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After over one hundred sixty years of independence the Liberian state was close to total collapse as a result of fourteen years of civil war. The state's failure and breakdown of central authority has had debilitating social, economic, and political consequences, such as; destruction of valuable infrastructure, internal and cross -border refugee problems, unemployment, hunger and violation of human rights. The challenge for a post-conflict state such as Liberia is the consolidation of democracy and the implementation of the necessary steps required to achieve sustainable development. Thus, this study suggests that a bottom-up communitarian approach appears to be plausible in an effort to attain national integration in a post-conflict- Liberia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have been extending social-movement analysis beyond its base in the industrialized West to Latin America and Asia, but rarely to Africa. Social movements resisting repression in nondemocratic settings have usually had the help of external "opportunities" or favorable circumstances. This study, however, examines a peaceful social movement in Liberia, a movement that resisted repression under two regimes, advocating for human rights and democratic freedom without such "opportunities." How did this happen? The study finds four explanations: the formation of a microsocial movement with no formal leadership and only loosely connected strands of resistance, which were harder to control; a high level of commitment by participants; the skillful use of local media and international organizations to put pressure on the regime; and historical roots of resistance, especially in the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After more than a decade of civil war, Liberia has embraced a new era of peacebuilding and peace consolidation. But, despite the euphoria, a number of questions persist: Will the new political elite be up to the task of rebuilding Liberia? What are the priorities of post-conflict Liberia? Who defines them? What are the mechanisms in place to address them? How far has Liberia gone in consolidating its peacebuilding process? What are the challenges ahead for the government and development partners seeking to transform a devastated Liberia into a vibrant economy and a peaceful and cohesive nation? This paper takes a look at the progress as well as the challenges associated with the reconstruction process in Liberia. In spite of the positive signs in terms of policies and institutional reforms, Liberia is still affected by numerous difficulties that could be overcome through an efficient state performance and sustainable support of the donors' community. Failure to address those difficulties is likely to compromise the gains so far realised both for Liberia and for West Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-conflict stability remains an elusive goal for many African countries. The political and socioeconomic preconditions of African civil wars have often persisted after the end of open hostilities and have frustrated regional and international efforts at peace building. The growing role of non-state armed groups in post-conflict governments raises further questions on the important role of guerilla groups in either exacerbating or ameliorating the 'structural' preconditions of protracted African wars. The cases of Liberia, Uganda and Rwanda offer important insights on the complex interplay between armed groups and governments that underlie these conflicts. All three countries have been marked by devastating civil wars and the subsequent formation of post-conflict governments led by respective insurgent groups, but only Rwanda and Uganda have made any effort to mitigate the conditions that ultimately led to intra-state violence and state collapse. While the conflict dynamic may heavily condition an insurgent group, these factors alone do not play a determining role in the success or failure of peace building efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the U.S. government failed to meet the expectations of the international community and of the Liberian people, as the political and military crisis escalated in the country in 2002 and 2003, after careful analysis of the historical ties between the U.S. and Liberia. The U.S. responded at the last minute with a token force of soldiers intended to help restore peace in Liberia. The author claims the failure was due to the end of the Cold War and the loss of Africa's strategic significance in the West, and that the U.S. can still play a role in the future of Liberia and the West Africa region.