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In exploring the first two decades of evolution of political programmes applied for the electoral processes in Slovenia, a young European multiparty parliamentary democracy with a proportional electoral system and multiparty government coalitions, the article contributes to a rich tradition of studying the programmes of political parties as relevant narrators of the development of democratic systems and suggests an answer to ‘why do parties write manifestos?’ The main findings include the distinct issue emphasis of parliamentary and non-parliamentary parties’ manifestos and convergence in issue emphasis over time among parliamentary parties who go on to form coalition governments. Regarding the ‘why’, these and other findings indicate that the manifestos considered here are intended more for post-election purposes – in particular, for the formation of alliances and negotiating and running a coalition government – than for attracting voters in the pre-election period. Party programmes are seen more as self-intended tools for political struggle than as promoters or control mechanisms for the further development of the democratic political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Contributions to Contemporary History / Prispevki za Novejšo Zgodovino is the property of Prispevki za Novejso Zgodovino and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Teorija in Praksa is the property of Teorija in Praksa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Uprava is the property of University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Public Administration and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Teorija in Praksa is the property of Teorija in Praksa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Party programmes, frequently also called manifestos or platforms, are written documents in which a political party sets out the programme either for its general inter-party making or for broader pre- and/or post-election purposes. As such, the party programme is regarded as an important constitutive part of each democratic party ‘body’ or, even wider, the element of democratic election processes or even the democratic political system in general. Analysing party programmes also represents one of most visible theoretical and methodological research topics inside various olitical science disciplines. Based on such understandings of the roles of party programmes, the main aim of this article is to disclose the prevailing characteristics of those party programmes prepared or used for the purposes of Slovenian national parliamentary elections (e.g. electoral programmes). With this in mind, we expect to be able to give mainly a general descriptive assessment of the status and importance of party electoral programmes in the case of a young post-socialist democratic state, actually the first of that kind in the Slovenian case. Accordingly, a comparative approach of analyzing the outlook and content dimensions of party programmes is applied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article we analyse the election campaign processes for the European Parliament election in Slovenia in 2004. We emphasise different theoretical explanations of election campaigns, among which we synthesise three important sets of contents, defined as process-organizational, media and system elements of the campaign. In the article we analyse the existence of all mentioned contents, where we predict that we can talk about some sort of connection between the efficiency of the election campaign or the decision about the selection of the campaign elements and final election effects of final party success at the elections. On the basis of the exposed efficiency indicators and implemeneted analysis in the case of Slovenian election campaign for the European election we can not confirm the connectedness between different campaign acitivities and final election result between the competitive political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The processes of Europeization have invaded the public policy sphere and introduced into it, among other things, the altered views of the roles of policy players and their relationships in the processes of the formation and the implementation of public policy. As soon as these new developments had been detected, numerous political science debates understandably ensued about the changed roles and competences of the actors who operate at different political levels in the European Union. The paper begins with the definition of the policy actor in the research of the EU policy process. The usability of the traditional and the contemporary understanding of the policy actor in the EU policy system is looked into by means of the indicators of (non)statehood and the existing view of the role of the state, thereby articulating the dilemmas and the prospects for the potential new taxonomies of policy actors that might emerge as a consequence of the policy activity at the EU level, since the newly identified features breed suspicion in the unequivocal adequacy of the existing taxonomy of the actors. Also, the appropriateness of the categorization of the players according to their political level or to the structuralfunctional character of their activities is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Družboslovne Razprave is the property of Druzboslovne Razprave and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including the emergence of riots at football events, the case of Danish Ultras, and the contractual stability in basketball.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including the Karen Murphy case which focuses on the prohibition concerning the use of foreign decoder cards to watch sports contents and the European Union (EU) law involving English football.

The main aim of this article is to describe and explain the relevant socio-psychological and political science characteristics of the pre- and post-electoral behaviour and electoral choices offered by political parties at the first early elections to the National Assembly held in December 2011. The analysed elections are an important milestone in the evolution of the Slovenian democratic parliamentary and party system and behaviour at the national level. The article examines the instability of the electoral capital of the electorate, as well as the decrease in parties' electoral capital with respect to modes of the future democratic governance system and related problem-solving. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]