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More than 40 percent of all reported coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) deaths in the United States have occurred in nursing homes. As a result, health care workers' access to personal protective equipment (PPE) and infection control policies in nursing homes have received increased attention. However, it is not known whether the presence of health care worker unions in nursing homes is associated with COVID-19 mortality rates. Therefore, we used cross-sectional regression analysis to examine the association between the presence of health care worker unions and COVID-19 mortality rates in 355 nursing homes in New York State. Health care worker unions were associated with a 1.29-percentage-point reduction in mortality, which represents a 30 percent relative decrease in the COVID-19 mortality rate compared with facilities without these unions. Unions were also associated with greater access to PPE, one mechanism that may link unions to lower COVID-19 mortality rates.

In 2014, California passed Assembly Bill 966, which required condom access for persons incarcerated in all 35 California state prisons (33 men's and 2 women's prisons). The California Correctional Health Care Services and the Sexually Transmitted Disease Control Branch and the Office of AIDS of the California Department of Public Health collaborated in a prison administration-led multidisciplinary implementation workgroup. Our workgroup, representing public health, correctional health, legal and legislative affairs, labor relations, and prison staff members, participated in 4 planning meetings during May-September 2015. We surveyed prison staff members and incarcerated men to identify and address potential challenges; conceptualized a tamper-resistant condom dispenser; developed educational materials, frequently asked questions for staff members, and fact sheets for the public; and conducted forums for custody and medical staff members at each prison. Key lessons learned included the need for high-level custody support, engagement of labor unions early in the decision-making process, and flexibility within defined parameters for sites to determine best practices given their unique institutional population, culture, and physical layout. Condom access was initiated at 4 prisons in July 2015 and expanded incrementally to the remaining 29 men's prisons through July 2016. A total of 243 563 condoms were accessed in the men's prisons, for an average of 354 condoms per 1000 population per month. The start-up dispenser cost was $69 825 (735 dispensers at $95 each). We estimated an annual condom cost of $0.60 per person. Although staff members and incarcerated men expressed concern that this legislation would condone sex and provide repositories for contraband, no serious adverse incidents involving condoms were reported. California demonstrated that condom access is a safe, low-cost intervention with high uptake for a large correctional system and provided a replicable implementation model for other states. Prison condom programs have the potential to decrease transmission of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) among incarcerated persons and their communities, which are often disproportionately affected by STIs, HIV, and other chronic diseases.

The singularity of the collective action of nursing categories in sociopolitical participation is the subject of our analysis. This paper attaches the compelling factors of social origin and aspects of the labor market to the political action of professionals. Based on the analytical association of the extended case method, we articulated the interpretation of the database of the Brazilian Nursing Profile Survey, specifically, in the light of socioeconomic identification, labor market, and working conditions, with an ethnographic study and semi-structured interviews in three hospital units. The bibliographic review shows the incorporation of these individuals without underestimating their particularity: the historical process of proletarianization in the Brazilian social formation, the inclusion of women in the labor market, and the relationship with unions. The history of workers based on inexperience in actions of resistance or union representation associated with the valorization of employment as a social ascent results in asymmetrical work regimes, a hindering element to coordinated actions, a fundamental aspect for the improvement of working conditions.

Aim: To describe the organizational structure and resources for strategic mediacommunication of nursing professional associations and trade unions in Portugal., Design and Methods: Quantitative study, with a cross-sectional, exploratory/descriptive design. From October to November 2017, a questionnaire was sent to 21 nursing professional associations and trade unions in Portugal. Eleven (52.4%) organizations replied: nine professional associations and two trade unions., Results: The participating organizations rely on basic structures regarding strategic communication: 54.5% of them have less than 500 members; 63.6% of them have no communication budget; 54.5% of them have no formal communication structure, and only 27.3% of them hold events for the purpose of media coverage. Consequently, most of these organizations have occasional interactions with journalists, create messages about nursing problems, and directed mostly to nurses, perpetuating a circular communication., Conclusion: Nursing professional organizations have limited resources and lack of formal communication structures. The restricted interaction with the media and the "echoing" voice that propagates within the profession may hinder citizens' full understanding of its contribution. Nursing organizations must develop a nation-wide strategy that promotes transversal collaboration and resources optimization, with the purpose of increasing their media visibility and strengthening their Public Health mission., (© 2019 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

Farm work is among the most dangerous and unhealthy occupations in the United States, but efforts to address farm workers' health needs have been sporadic and inadequate. In the 1960s and 1970s, the United Farm Workers of America (UFW) famously organized workers in California's grape and lettuce fields and won national and international recognition through its boycott tactics. The UFW also opened several medical clinics, staffed by volunteer nurses and physicians, and created the Robert F. Kennedy Medical Plan, a medical insurance program, for its members. Both efforts were initially successful, but foundered in the face of many obstacles, including the reluctance of the UFW leadership to organize undocumented farm workers. However, the UFW's medical work laid the foundation for continuing efforts on behalf of farm workers' and undocumented people's right to health care.

In February 2018, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in Janus v. AFSCME, a case poised to make right-to-work (or, as some call it, right-to-work-for-less) the law in the public sector. At issue is the constitutionality of requiring non-union members, who benefit from collective bargaining, to pay fees that support contract negotiations on the terms and conditions of their employment. We argue that a win for Janus would threaten public health by eroding organized labor's power to improve working conditions. Furthermore, we critique the dubious legal theory underpinning Janus's case and describe the moneyed political interests backing his legal representation. Finally, we chart a path forward for labor organizing in a post- Janus world, drawing inspiration from the winter 2018 educators' strike in West Virginia. Regardless of how Janus itself is decided, the issues raised in this article remain crucial because the ongoing weakening of unions by legislative and judicial means undermines workers' health and exacerbates inequities.

Since the end of the 1990s, as in other Latin American countries, Uruguay has experienced an "agricultural boom," an advance in the agricultural sector and the introduction of new technologies as well as new ways of producing and working. In addition, since 2005, the country has seen a surge in rural unionization, associated with collective bargaining processes and the expansion of workers' rights at the national level. However, this process has not yet been able to consolidate significant changes in the historical working conditions of rural labor. This paper analyzes the social construction of the risk of rural wage labor from the perspective of rural leaders, based on a qualitative approach. In the workers' discourses appear elements of naturalization as well as persistent difficulties in their work to improve their working conditions, as a way of impacting their health and quality of life.

The Kenya Medical Practitioners, Pharmacists and Dentists Union (KMPDU) was formed in August 2011. Within the last six years, this union has galvanized the Kenyan doctors together, agitated for healthcare policy reforms and successfully negotiated and registered a Collective Bargaining Agreement (CBA). Though political will and the national citizens' psyche on matters pertaining to public healthcare remain a challenge, this union has made its foot prints on the Kenyan conversation space. KMPDU looks forward to engaging local, regional and international health stake holders to improve the state of the country's health care, key among these being to have a national commission handling all the human resources for health., Competing Interests: The authors declare no competing interest.

This study of Afton Chemical Corporation's Sauget facility and its International Chemical Workers Union Council (ICWUC) Local 871C demonstrates how significant safety improvements can be made when committed leadership from both management and union work together, build trust, train the entire work force in U.S. Occupational Safety and Health Administration 10-hour classes, and communicate with their work force, both salaried and hourly. A key finding is that listening to the workers closest to production can lead to solutions, many of them more cost-efficient than top-down decision-making. Another is that making safety and health an authentic value is hard work, requiring time, money, and commitment. Third, union and management must both have leadership willing to take chances and learn to trust one another. Fourth, training must be for everyone and ongoing. Finally, health and safety improvements require dedicated funding. The result was resolution of more than one hundred safety concerns and an ongoing institutionalized process for continuing improvement.

New Zealand's first organising conference pondered future directions for the union movement.

Unions are even more important today than any other time in history, especially the Queensland Nurses' Union.

We sought to portray how collective bargaining contracts promote public health, beyond their known effect on individual, family, and community well-being. In November 2014, we created an abstraction tool to identify health-related elements in 16 union contracts from industries in the Pacific Northwest. After enumerating the contract-protected benefits and working conditions, we interviewed union organizers and members to learn how these promoted health. Labor union contracts create higher wage and benefit standards, working hours limits, workplace hazards protections, and other factors. Unions also promote well-being by encouraging democratic participation and a sense of community among workers. Labor union contracts are largely underutilized, but a potentially fertile ground for public health innovation. Public health practitioners and labor unions would benefit by partnering to create sophisticated contracts to address social determinants of health.

The Massachusetts Teachers Association's Environmental Health and Safety Committee is using a number of approaches to evaluate and improve the enforcement of the U.S. Asbestos Hazard Emergency Response Act legislation intended to ensure the proper management of asbestos in public buildings, including schools. The committee first approached state regulators directly concerning enforcement concerns, with limited success. Next, the Massachusetts Teachers Association developed an organizing strategy and a curriculum focusing on the requirements of the Asbestos Hazard Emergency Response Act and on building a membership-run health and safety committee infrastructure in local unions. Five trainings took place throughout Massachusetts over a 2-month period in 2015. The committee implemented follow-up procedures and support for locals to continue to engage in this ongoing effort. This work illustrates that the passage of the Asbestos Hazard Emergency Response Act in 1986 was insufficient action to remediate school asbestos exposures. It is necessary for unions representing school employees to systematically hold regulators and school districts accountable for enforcement and compliance., (© The Author(s) 2015.)

Integration of workplace wellness with safety and health has gained momentum on the initiative of the state allied with a segment of large employers and some health and safety professionals. Integration has a dual potential: to fundamentally reshape occupational health in ways that profoundly benefit workers, or to serve neoliberal corporate goals. A focus on the workplace and the ways work and health interact broaden the definition of a work-related injury or illness and emphasize and challenge the employer decisions that create hazards and determine risk. However, the implementation of integration is taking place in a context of corporate dominance and the aggressive pursuit of a neoliberal agenda. Consequently, in practice, integration efforts have emphasized individual worker responsibility for health and fail to actually integrate wellness with safety and health in a meaningful way. Can an alternative be envisioned and pursued that realizes the promise of integration for workers?, (© The Author(s) 2016.)

New Solutions: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policyhas been published for 25 years. To acknowledge this milestone, Dr. Pia Markkanen interviewed Charles Levenstein, Editor Emeritus of the journal, in August 2015. The purpose of this interview was to review the journal's history: from its earliest roots to the present.New Solutionsbegan in 1990 as a project with the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers Union (OCAW). Dr. Charles Levenstein was the founding editor and Tony Mazzocchi was the original publisher. We've tapped Dr. Levenstein's memory to learn the intent of starting the journal and how it developed. The interview presents some of the challenges of sustaining a movement journal with the mission of being a bridge between academics and researchers and workers, environmentalists, as well as advocates and activists., (© The Author(s) 2016.)

The massacre of thirty-four striking platinum miners on the 16 August 2012 near the village of Marikana in South Africa revealed the collusion of the state, mining capital, and sections of the labor movement. Analysis of the buildup to the killings highlight the way the mining industry systematically ignored evidence of the potential for social conflict as a result of its labor policies over many years. Further, the way in which the killings unfolded and were covered up are evidence that justice was denied to workers and their families. It should provide a sobering reminder of the power of elite alliances and the elite capture of seemingly democratic institutions within the labor movement, even in a post-apartheid South Africa., (© The Author(s) 2016.)

The RCN has appointed its head of nursing and service delivery as chief executive and general secretary.

We drew on two agenda-setting theories usually applied at the state or national level to assess their utility at the global level: Kingdon's multiple streams theory and Baumgartner and Jones's punctuated equilibrium theory. We illustrate our analysis with findings from a qualitative study of the International Labor Organization's Decent Work Agenda. We found that both theories help explain the agenda-setting mechanisms that operate in the global context, including how windows of opportunity open and what role institutions play as policy entrepreneurs. Future application of these theories could help characterize power struggles between global actors, whose voices are heard or silenced, and their impact on global policy agenda setting.

Using a social-ecological framework, we drew on a targeted literature review and historical and contemporary cases from the US labor movement to illustrate how unions address physical and psychosocial conditions of work and the underlying inequalities and social determinants of health. We reviewed labor involvement in tobacco cessation, hypertension control, and asthma, limiting articles to those in English published in peer-reviewed public health or medical journals from 1970 to 2013. More rigorous research is needed on potential pathways from union membership to health outcomes and the facilitators of and barriers to union-public health collaboration. Despite occasional challenges, public health professionals should increase their efforts to engage with unions as critical partners.

Under the regime of private company or multi-stakeholder voluntary codes of conduct and industry social auditing, workers have absorbed low wages and unsafe and abusive conditions; labor leaders and union members have become the targets of both government and factory harassment and violence; and trade union power has waned. Nowhere have these private systems of codes and audits so clearly failed to protect workers as in Bangladesh's apparel industry. However, international labor groups and Bangladeshi unions have succeeded in mounting a challenge to voluntarism in the global economy, persuading more than 180 companies to make a binding and enforceable commitment to workers' safety in an agreement with 12 unions. The extent to which this Bangladesh Accord will be able to influence the entrenched global regime of voluntary codes and weak trade unions remains an open question. But if the Accord can make progress in Bangladesh, it can help to inspire similar efforts in other countries and in other industries., (© 2015 SAGE Publications.)

This article illustrates the application of the impact monitoring and evaluation process for the design and development of a performance monitoring and evaluation framework in the context of human and institutional capacity development. This participative process facilitated stakeholder ownership in several areas including the design, development, and use of a new monitoring and evaluation system, as well their targeted results and accomplishments through the use of timely performance data gathered through ongoing monitoring and evaluation. The process produced a performance indicator map, a comprehensive monitoring and evaluation framework, and data collection templates to promote the development, implementation, and sustainability of the monitoring and evaluation system of a farmer's trade union in an African country., (Copyright © 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

In November 2000, the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) issued an ergonomics standard to prevent debilitating work-related musculoskeletal disorders (WMSDs). It was rescinded by Congress within four months. We explore how this story unfolded over two decades of collaboration and conflict. Part I provides an overview of the historical context of the struggle for a standard, followed by interviews with key players from labor, academia and government. They provide a snapshot of the standard; discuss the prevalence of WMSDs in the context of changing work organization; give insight into the role of unions and of scientific debate within the context of rulemaking; and uncover the basis for the groundbreaking OSHA citations that laid the foundation for a standard. Part II interviews further explore the anti-regulatory political landscape of the 1990s that led to repeal of the standard, discuss the impact of the struggle beyond the standard, and describe creative approaches for the future.

Problem: Historically, unions and professional associations such as the American Nurses Association have been adversaries in the fight to represent the best interests of the nursing profession., Methods: We reviewed the literature on the evolution of nursing unions, nursing's historical unease about unions, the Magnet designation in nursing, the tensions between the unions and Magnet, the core values and commonalities they share, and the obligations of nursing as a profession., Findings: Refocusing on the advancement of our profession provides a positive pathway in which the collective efforts of nursing unions and professional initiatives such as the Magnet designation converge during these turbulent times for our profession., Conclusion: The single, central organizing idea of nursing-where nursing unions and Magnet converge-is the pivotal role of nurses in delivering high-quality patient care. The often-maligned dialectic between unions and Magnet has advanced and not hindered the nursing profession., (© 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)