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Until the advent and spread of supermarkets, the markets that we now call farmers, public, open-air, or traditional markets needed no adjectives. They were simply markets. Currently, the bodies of research about traditional markets common in the Global South and about farmers markets resurging in the Global North tend to be separate. However, viewed through the lens of food regime frame­works, together these markets come more clearly into focus as globally local alternatives to a corpo­rate regime of supermarkets. As microcases within this macrosociological framework, this paper examines two urban markets—one traditional daily market in Suva, Fiji, and one seasonal Saturday farmers market in East New York, Brooklyn, in the United States. We analyze interviews and surveys with vendors and market-related documents. As we illustrate with brief case descriptions, other than both being urban, the individual markets and their contexts could hardly be more different. One market was formalized early in the colonial food regime, and the other was founded more recently as an alternative to the current neoliberal corporate regime. However, vendors in both reported that selling at the market generates income, autonomy, respect, and social connectedness for them. These commonalities suggest that examining lessons from such markets across communities globally, South or North, traditional or farmers, may offer new insights into how to sustain and expand such mar­kets even in the face of supermarket domination. In addition, doing so with a food regime lens may make that work more useful for informing how to support traditional and farmers market develop­ment in ways that help keep aspirations and needs of those who produce, distribute, and consume food at the heart of their work, as real alternatives to neoliberal frameworks.

Social movement theory suggests that effectively framing the cause of a problem (diagnostic fram­ing), its solutions (prognostic framing), and reasons to support its solutions (motivational framing) is likely to be essential for reaching movement goals. In this paper, we apply social movement framing theory to empirically identify prognostic, diag­nostic, and motivational frames in the growing food justice movement in the U.S. We use the case of the Food Dignity project, a five-year, U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA)–funded, action and research collaboration between academics and leaders at five community-based food justice organizations. We coded multiple data sources, both public and internal to the project, to identify the strongest and most common diagnostic, prog­nostic, and motivational frames used by 25 indivi­dual collaborators in the Food Dignity project. Results suggest that the majority of diagnostic frames used by Food Dignity partners did not relate directly to food, but included instead insufficient resources, loss of place, degraded community, and constrained choice and response-ability (Minkler, 1999) as causes of problems—though a broken food system also emerged as a causal frame. Similarly, solution framing included one overarching food-related strategy, which we labelled “great food.” The other prognostic frames were reclaiming power, growing the local economy, strengthening community, fostering sustainable organizations, and networking. We did not find any motivational frames in the first round of semi-open coding. However, when we returned to reexamine the data with a hypothesis informed by our project experience beyond the textual data, we identified the motivational frame that we call recompense. Recompense suggests that those who have bene­fited from our current food systems should now work toward justice for those who sacrificed, usually unwillingly, to create them. This frame was mostly used indirectly and by community-based (rather than academic) partners in the project. Identifying these food justice diagnostic, prognos­tic, and motivational frames may help movement leaders to more explicitly examine and employ them and is an essential step for future research in assessing their effectiveness for creating a just, sustainable and healthy food system.

We describe a new endoplasmic reticulum (ER)-associated stress response in the filamentous fungus Aspergillus niger. The inhibition of protein folding within the ER leads to cellular responses known collectively as the unfolded protein response (UPR) and we show that the selective transcriptional downregulation of the gene encoding glucoamylase, a major secreted protein, but not two non-secreted proteins, is an additional consequence of ER stress. The transcriptional downregulation effect is shown by nuclear run-on studies to be at the level of transcription, rather than mRNA stability, and is found to be mediated through the promoter of glaA in a region more than 1 kb upstream of the translational start. The inhibition of protein folding in the ER can be induced in a variety of ways. We examined the effects of dithiothreitol (DTT), a reducing agent that causes the formation of unfolded proteins. Although a general downregulation of transcription was seen with DTT treatment, we show that selective downregulation was observed with the glaA gene compared with genes encoding the non-secreted proteins gamma-actin and glyceraldehyde 3'-phosphate dehydrogenase. The DTT-treated fungal cells also showed evidence for the induction of the UPR because expression of bipA and pdiA, encoding an ER-resident chaperone and foldase, respectively, are upregulated and splicing of hacA, the gene encoding the transcription factor responsible for induction of the UPR, occurs allowing the production of an active HacA protein. As a preliminary attempt to investigate if the transcriptional downregulation effect was mediated through HacA (i.e. part of the UPR), we examined ER stress induced through antisense technology to lower the level of PDI in the ER of A. niger. Although the transcription of glaA was attenuated in that strain of A. niger, UPR was not evident, suggesting that the transcriptional downregulation mechanism is controlled differently from the UPR.