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Theater in Berlin und Erfurt

Introduction. The separate existence of East Germany over the years has led to the formation of unique electoral preferences of citizens. In eastern federal states the Left as the heir to the Socialist Unity Party of Germany remained one of the leaders for a long time. However, in recent years its traditional electorate has increasingly begun to choose the Alternative for Germany. The aim of this article is to identify the main reasons for this shift in preferences in East Germany. Materials and Methods. The main materials were the results of the elections to the Bundestag and Landtags. The statistics illustrating the performance of the Left on the national average and separately in East Germany in the national elections since 2009 was processed with the help of comparative analysis, the same was done with regard to the subnational elections since 2009 and 2011. The results of the Alternative for Germany were evaluated from its inception in 2013. Additionally, the data was used on preferences among voters of various age groups, the rating of the National Democratic Party of Germany before and after the advent of the Alternative for Germany, as well as GDP per capita indicators. Results. It is confirmed that it was the Alternative for Germany that mainly occupied the former niche of the Left. The main reasons that comprehensively influenced electoral preferences include the generational change, the unsuccessful adaptation of the left forces to Western values, the unpopularity of anti-capitalist rhetoric, the presence of more influential opponents on key left-wing topics, the demand for conservative and opposition ideology (e.g. in migration policy), as well as the ability of right-wing populists to work with protest voters. Discussion and Conclusion. The decline in the ratings of the left has become a rather stable phenomenon in recent years, while the performance of the right-wing populists strongly depended on the reaction of the party to a particular political crisis. However, this was more about the general popularity of the Alternative for Germany, which did not imply real prerequisites for the return of the electorate to the Left. The results of this paper can be applied in expert-analytical and research activities aimed at explaining electoral processes.

While in Frankfurt a few weeks ago, I visited the site of the Dom/Römer project, a series of 35 buildings that are under construction in the historical center of Frankfurt am Main. While most of the buildings are going to be modern interpretations of the houses that once stood on the small parcels in Frankfurt’s city center, fifteen of the buildings will be historical reconstructions of historical buildings. As I approached the building site, I walked along a fence that had been covered with a vinyl picture of an artist’s rendition of the finished project. Scrawled across the picture was a graffito: “Bitte richtig alt. Kein Zombie!” The term “zombie” has been a battle cry for anti-reconstructionists from all over Germany as they watch historical reconstruction projects fill the empty spaces in their destroyed historical city centers. In this paper, I will investigate the current discourse that has conflated architecture with necromancy in German city planning. Are these reconstructions the signs of a crisis in Modernism, a sweeping wave of uncritical nostalgia, or dangerous returns to evil ideologies of the past? Using Walter Benjamin’s Kunstwerk essay, I will explore the role of historical reconstruction as medial architecture, buildings that function more like film than the so-called “authentic” architecture that is preferred by the current generation of Denkmalpfleger. What happens when a destroyed Bauwerk reaches the age of its technological reproducibility? These “zombie” buildings, I will argue, reveal mythical underpinnings in the projects of Modernism and the religious practices inherent in the concept of authenticity historical monuments.

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Copyright of History Pages is the property of National Technical University of Ukraine KPI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Paul Hirsch was born when Bismarck sought to unite Germany by all means – by ‘iron and blood’. In the era of Kaiser's Germany, he could receive a university degree, with a solid profile in the field of journalism, to participate actively in the activity of the Social Democratic Party of Germany and to have a successful career as a city councilor in Charlottenburg and Berlin. The glory hour for Hirsch as a politician and a statesman came after the November Revolution of 1918 in Germany. Being head of the highest body of executive power in Prussia in the crucial period for his fatherland, he tried to solve the equation with many unknowns. However, on 30 January 1933 there came a day of ‘political Chernobyl’ in Germany. The National Socialists who came on that day to power did everything to alienate the German Jews from the society. The Jew Paul Hirsch fully experienced that fate. He lived in the racist ‘Third Reich’ for seven years and passed away in huge financial struggles. The article shows in detail how each of these four eras in the German history is reflected in Paul Hirsch’s fate.

Analyzed in the article is German political party system after the 2013 Bundestag elections. The author studies results of the 2015 elections to the European Parliament and of2014-2015 elections to German federal legislative bodies. European elections are known to be the voters' second priority; but what role do they play for German citizens? The author reveals the voters' motives for taking part in elections and making corresponding decisions, which allows to describe the key patterns and trends of development of elections to the European Parliament. Special attention is paid to the role of smaller parties and assessment of FDP's possible retirement from the German federal political stage. Success of the new right-wing populist party «Alternative for Germany», which succeeded in getting seats not only in the European Parliament, but also in all legislative bodies in German lands where elections took place, makes one consider its prospects and consequences of its emergence for the German political party system. Since its best results were achieved in the East of the country, the article offers thorough analysis of the voters' behavior in so-called new lands. Elections in Hamburg and Bremen have always had special features. People in these lands are more eager to support social democrats, which was proved by the 2015 elections. Could the «choice of the big city» be considered to follow its own logic, and does the CDU have a chance to break this tradition? Attempting to answer with this question, the author turns to the results of a sociological study of the Adenauer Fund, which support the statement that it is the candidate's personality and not the party itself that plays decisive role in the party's victory. In conclusion, the author gives her own interpretation of features of the modern German political party system and a forecast of its future development.

Analyzed in the article is German political party system after the 2013 Bundestag elections. The author studies results of the 2015 elections to the European Parliament and of2014-2015 elections to German federal legislative bodies. European elections are known to be the voters' second priority; but what role do they play for German citizens? The author reveals the voters' motives for taking part in elections and making corresponding decisions, which allows to describe the key patterns and trends of development of elections to the European Parliament. Special attention is paid to the role of smaller parties and assessment of FDP's possible retirement from the German federal political stage. Success of the new right-wing populist party «Alternative for Germany», which succeeded in getting seats not only in the European Parliament, but also in all legislative bodies in German lands where elections took place, makes one consider its prospects and consequences of its emergence for the German political party system. Since its best results were achieved in the East of the country, the article offers thorough analysis of the voters' behavior in so-called new lands. Elections in Hamburg and Bremen have always had special features. People in these lands are more eager to support social democrats, which was proved by the 2015 elections. Could the «choice of the big city» be considered to follow its own logic, and does the CDU have a chance to break this tradition? Attempting to answer with this question, the author turns to the results of a sociological study of the Adenauer Fund, which support the statement that it is the candidate's personality and not the party itself that plays decisive role in the party's victory. In conclusion, the author gives her own interpretation of features of the modern German political party system and a forecast of its future development.