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Since the beginning, the critical focus of India's space programme has been investing in space technologies for the purposes of socioeconomic development. Nonetheless, India's space agenda has always remained dynamic and over the years the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) has been undertaking various scientific and commercial value programmes, such as launching an astronomical satellite, undertaking missions to the Moon and Mars, launching satellites for navigation and developing the Small Satellite Launch Vehicle. Today India has increasing concerns about the security of its space assets. On 27 March 2019, the Indian Defense Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) successfully conducted an anti-satellite test (ASAT). This act is said to have transformed India's strategic calculations in the domain of space. This test indicates that India is trying to redefine its own responses to space security challenges. This article attempts to recognise India's atypical space security challenges and debates on the possible response mechanism to these security challenges. The article further argues that constituting an Indian Space Force could be the most apt response mechanism in this context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the basic philosophy behind India's space strategy based on ideological, sociological, political, economic, geostrategic and legal constructs. The paper uses the metaphor of “deconstruction” made famous by the French philosopher Jacques Derrida's (1930–2004) to understand various transitions (if any) in India's space policy over the years and the philosophy behind them. The paper follows a ‘narrative based scrutiny’ approach to recognise Indian attitude for investments into space technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For any nation-state, multiple agencies are drawn in to guard their maritime interests, and technology plays a crucial role towards guarding such interests. This paper debates the significance of space technologies for the maritime domain in general and navies in particular. It identifies specific space technologies of relevance for improving ship movement and weapons delivery performance. Lastly, the paper also takes a macro view about investments made by India in space technologies for the purposes of their maritime requirements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asymmetry in warfare is not a new phenomenon. Historically, it has been observed that on various occasions there has been a marked difference in the relative military power and strategy of the warring states. However, in the post 9/11 era, it has been observed that the character and nature of war itself is changing particularly amid the wars between state and non-state actors. The usage of unconventional tools and tactics, be it guerrilla warfare or terrorism or irregular warfare or any other forms are becoming more synonymous with non-state entities. All this is leading to a composition of warfare in which a non-state actor is using asymmetric methods to target the state's vulnerabilities to achieve disproportionate effect. This paper debates the notion of Asymmetric Warfare, the characters of actors involved and the nature of the state's response in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author encourages key members of the international community such as the European Union, China, India, and the U.S. to launch a constructive initiative to ascertain the nature of Myanmar's investments in nuclear technologies. He notes that although Myanmar is undergoing a political transition from authoritarianism to democracy, some reports have indicated that Myanmar's previous military regime had sought the assistance of Russia and North Korea to develop its own nuclear weapons program.

Abstract: India in Asia and Brazil in Latin America are regarded as the most promising global economies. This paper examines the openings and possibilities for space technology collaboration between India and Latin American states under the larger rubric of science and technology collaboration. While the distance and language barriers between the two regions have proved a hindrance in the past, the paper proceeds with an assumption that, in the 21st century, such barriers should not be a limitation on developing strategic, economic, and science and technology partnerships among nation-states. The paper argues that the Latin American states are keen to have their own satellites because of their significant utility in the socioeconomic sector and this offers an opportunity to India to use cooperation in space technologies as a powerful tool for engagement in Latin America. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The Indian space program, which was started with a modest mandate in the early 1960s, has today become a leader in the developing world. India's space program is civilian in orientation and has a major socioeconomic developmental focus. India also has an interest in lunar and planetary exploration missions: it has already successfully undertaken its first Moon mission. Nuclear India's growing international stature gives it strategic relevance, both regionally and globally. Satellite technology, being inherently dual-use, has applicability for strategic purposes too. Modern-day military preparation demands dependence on space assets for communication, navigation and reconnaissance. This article attempts to understand how India is trying to factor space into its overall security calculus. With changing threat perceptions, it is becoming important for the Indian armed forces to increase its dependence on space assets. Currently, the mandate for the state's civilian space program, cost considerations, technology transfer and other geopolitical concerns are limiting India's foray into the military space arena. India's position as regards conducting an anti-satellite test has also not yet been clearly articulated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: After a gap of 40 years, the Moon is again the focus of several countries’ space ambitions. Japan, China and India have already launched their first Moon missions and are expected to send humans moonwards within the next 10–15 years. This revival of lunar programmes in the post-cold war era goes beyond symbolism and is also about the race to grab the natural resources of the Moon. Such ambitious missions by these states imply that they intend to change the unipolar world into one with multiple power centres, and would use space technology as one of the components to do so. This paper examines the first phase Moon missions of the Asian states and argues that their overall deep space mission aspirations have strategic ambitions attached. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]