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It might seem strange to ask whether increasing access to medical care can improve children's health. Yet Lindsey Leininger and Helen Levy begin by pointing out that access to care plays a smaller role than we might think, and that many other factors, such as those discussed elsewhere in this issue, strongly influence children's health. Nonetheless, they find that, on the whole, policies to improve access indeed improve children's health, with the caveat that context plays a big role--medical care "matters more at some times, or for some children, than others." Focusing on studies that can plausibly show a causal effect between policies to increase access and better health for children, and starting from an economic framework, they consider both the demand for and the supply of health care. On the demand side, they examine what happens when the government expands public insurance programs (such as Medicaid), or when parents are offered financial incentives to take their children to preventive appointments. On the supply side, they look at what happens when public insurance programs increase the payments that they offer to health-care providers, or when health-care providers are placed directly in schools where children spend their days. They also examine how the Affordable Care Act is likely to affect children's access to medical care. Leininger and Levy reach three main conclusions. First, despite tremendous progress in recent decades, not all children have insurance coverage, and immigrant children are especially vulnerable. Second, insurance coverage alone doesn't guarantee access to care, and insured children may still face barriers to getting the care they need. Finally, as this issue of "Future of Children" demonstrates, access to care is only one of the factors that policy makers should consider as they seek to make the nation's children healthier.

BackgroundThe Affordable Care Act (ACA), often called "Obamacare," is a controversial law that has been implemented gradually since its enactment in 2010. Polls have consistently shown that public opinion of the ACA is quite negative.ObjectiveThe aim of our study was to examine the extent to which Twitter data can be used to measure public opinion of the ACA over time.MethodsWe prospectively collected a 10% random sample of daily tweets (approximately 52 million since July 2011) using Twitter's streaming application programming interface (API) from July 10, 2011 to July 31, 2015. Using a list of key terms and ACA-specific hashtags, we identified tweets about the ACA and examined the overall volume of tweets about the ACA in relation to key ACA events. We applied standard text sentiment analysis to assign each ACA tweet a measure of positivity or negativity and compared overall sentiment from Twitter with results from the Kaiser Family Foundation health tracking poll.ResultsPublic opinion on Twitter (measured via sentiment analysis) was slightly more favorable than public opinion measured by the Kaiser poll (approximately 50% vs 40%, respectively) but trends over time in both favorable and unfavorable views were similar in both sources. The Twitter-based measures of opinion as well as the Kaiser poll changed very little over time: correlation coefficients for favorable and unfavorable public opinion were .43 and .37, respectively. However, we found substantial spikes in the volume of ACA-related tweets in response to key events in the law's implementation, such as the first open enrollment period in October 2013 and the Supreme Court decision in June 2012.ConclusionsTwitter may be useful for tracking public opinion of health care reform as it appears to be comparable with conventional polling results. Moreover, in contrast with conventional polling, the overall amount of tweets also provides a potential indication of public interest of a particular issue at any point in time.

This study examines the association of partner Medicare Advantage plan status over 1 year with beneficiary and plan characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract We use a regression discontinuity design to understand the impact of a sharp change in eligibility for Medicaid versus subsidized marketplace insurance at 138 percent of the federal poverty line on coverage, medical spending, health status, and other public program participation. We find a 5.5 percentage point shift from Medicaid to private insurance, with no net change in coverage. The shift increases individual health spending by $341 or 2 percent of income, with larger increases at higher points in the spending distribution. Two-thirds of the increase is from premiums and one-third from out-of-pocket medical spending. Self-rated health and other public program participation appear unchanged. We find no evidence of bunching below the eligibility threshold, which suggests either that individuals are willing to pay more for private insurance or that optimization frictions are high. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use data from the 1989-2001 March Supplements to the Current Population Survey to determine whether welfare reform contributed to declines in health insurance coverage experienced by low-skilled women. Between 1988 and 2000, women with less than a high school education experienced an 8.0 percentage point decline in the probability of having health insurance. Against this backdrop of large declines, welfare waivers and TANF are associated with modest increases in coverage for low-skilled women of 2.3 and 3.6 percentage points respectively. Overall, our findings suggest that welfare reform did not contribute to declines in coverage but rather offset them somewhat.

Objectives: To estimate the impact of Medicare Part D on prescription drug coverage among elderly Medicare beneficiaries and to analyze the predictors of program enrollment ('take-up') among those with no prior drug coverage. Methods: Multivariate analyses of data from the 2002, 2004, and 2006 waves of the Health and Retirement Study. Results: Take-up of Part D among those without drug coverage in 2004 was high; about 50%-60% of this group had Part D coverage in 2006. Only 7% of senior citizens lacked drug coverage in 2006 compared with 24% in 2004. Demand for prescription drugs was the most important determinant of the decision to enroll in Part D among those with no prior coverage. Many of those who remained without coverage in 2006 reported that they do not use prescribed medicines, and the majority had relatively low out-of-pocket spending. Conclusion: For the most part, Medicare beneficiaries seem to have been able to make economically rational decisions about Part D enrollment despite the complexity of the program. Key Words: Economic status--Health care policy--Insurance. doi: 10.1093/geronb/gbp107.

A study aimed to determine the association between reported insurance status and access to follow-up appointments for serious conditions that are commonly identified during an emergency department visit. Reported insurance status is found to be associated with access to timely follow-up ambulatory care for potentially serious conditions.