Search

This article provides an overview of police violence against Black people and mass incarceration that demonstrates that mass incarceration and police violence simultaneously produce and represent i...

Researchers have paid relatively little attention to the role that sexual and gender violence play in reinforcing neoliberal discourse. We address this issue by demonstrating that the portrayal of women and girls in the mainstream media, female body practices based on this portrayal, gendered sexual-agency norms, sexual harassment, and rape are not only sexualized and violent, but they also display a common set of cultural scripts drawn from both patriarchal and neoliberal discourse. We thus conclude that these images, practices, and norms are forms of sexualized violence that reinforce patriarchal and neoliberal discourse and, thus, the gender and class orders.

[Image: see text] Toll-like receptors (TLRs) are dominant components of the innate immune system. Activated by both pathogen-associated molecular patterns and damage-associated molecular patterns, TLRs underpin the pathology of numerous inflammation related diseases that include not only immune diseases, but also cardiovascular disease (CVD), diabetes, obesity, and cancers. Growing evidence has demonstrated that TLRs are involved in multiple cardiovascular pathophysiologies, such as atherosclerosis and hypertension. Specifically, a trial called the Canakinumab Anti-inflammatory Thrombosis Outcomes Study showed the use of an antibody that neutralizes interleukin-1β, reduces the recurrence of cardiovascular events, demonstrating inflammation as a therapeutic target and also the research value of targeting the TLR system in CVD. In this review, we provide an update of the interplay between TLR signaling, inflammatory mediators, and atherothrombosis, with an aim to identify new therapeutic targets for atherothrombotic CVD.

World society theory has been one of the better published theoretical paradigms of the past 30 to 40 years. But despite its publishing successes, world society theory and research are beset by a number of theoretical and empirical problems that call into question the theory’s ability to accurately describe and explain the global diffusion of government practices, policies, and structures. The authors summarize world society theory’s key claims, demonstrate that the theory has trouble explaining a set of diffusion outcomes that it needs to be able to explain, and show that a key reason for this is that the actors highlighted by the theory are embedded in hierarchical and power-laden organizations, networks, and fields that strongly limit the kinds of actions these actors can take and the kinds of cultural scripts they can follow.

This study combines micro-level data on families with children from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics with neighborhood-level industrial hazard data from the Environmental Protection Agency and neighborhood-level U.S. census data to examine both the association between family structure and residential proximity to neighborhood pollution and the micro-level, residential mobility processes that contribute to differential pollution proximity across family types. Results indicate the existence of significant family structure differences in household proximity to industrial pollution in U.S. metropolitan areas between 1990 and 1999, with single-mother and single-father families experiencing neighborhood pollution levels that are on average 46% and 26% greater, respectively, than those experienced by two-parent families. Moreover, the pollution gap between single-mother and two-parent families persists with controls for household and neighborhood socioeconomic, sociodemographic, and race/ethnic characteristics. Examination of underlying migration patterns reveals that single-mother, single-father, and two-parent families are equally likely to move in response to pollution. However, mobile single-parent families move into neighborhoods with significantly higher pollution levels than do mobile two-parent families. Thus, family structure differences in pollution proximity are maintained more by these destination neighborhood differences than by family structure variations in the likelihood of moving out of polluted neighborhoods.

Despite the key role the World Bank plays in funding and promoting development projects that not only harm developing nations but also maintain their dependence on core nations, core nation corporations, and international development institutions, many people still regard the World Bank as the world's most important and successful development institution, raising the question of how it is able to legitimate itself so successfully. Researchers have long been interested in explaining how powerful actors legitimize their activities, with one important strand of research highlighting the ways in which powerful organizations use impression management to keep the general public ignorant of actions these organizations undertake that would be deemed inappropriate, immoral, or illegitimate if widely known. We extend the literature on impression management, which tends to highlight powerful organizations’ defensive image maintenance practices and the strategies they use for communicating positive images to key stakeholders, by asking whether significant external parties, such as the news media, play an important role in affirming these organizational images and communicating them to external audiences. In particular, we examine three years’ worth of New York Times articles that highlight or in some way reference the World Bank, and ask whether the images of the World Bank presented by the Times are consistent with either the images of itself that the World Bank presents or the images set forth by the Bank's critics. We find that the Times highlights images of the World Bank that are highly consistent with the images set forth by the World Bank, while downplaying and ignoring images highlighted by the Bank's critics. This suggests that, intentionally or not, the New York Times plays an important role in helping the World Bank legitimize itself, in large part by helping the World Bank keep US citizens ignorant of the many negative effects of its development projects.

The unequal exposure to industrial hazards via differential residential attainment and/or differential sitings of toxic facilities is a long-standing environmental justice issue. This study examines individual trajectories of residential exposure to the risk of industrial hazard over nearly two decades. Using a latent class growth analysis on longitudinal geocoded data merged with the neighborhood-level pollution measures, we discover large racial differences in trajectories of pollution exposure. A majority of individuals are exposed to above-average pollution levels at some point during the study period, but blacks are more likely than whites to experience persistent exposure to high pollution. These differences are only partially explained by racial differences in suburban neighborhood attainment, socioeconomic status, and the frequency of inter-neighborhood moves. Immobile blacks also saw their exposure increase.

This paper contributes to understandings of ecologically unequal exchange within the world-systems perspective by offering a series of case studies of ecological modernization in the automobile industry. The case studies demonstrate that “green” technologies developed and instituted in core nations often require specific raw materials that are extracted from the periphery and semi-periphery. Extraction of such natural resources causes significant environmental degradation and often displaces entire communities from their land. Moreover, because states often use violence and repression to facilitate raw material extraction, the widespread commercialization of “green” technologies can result in serious human rights violations. These findings challenge ecological modernization theory, which rests on the assumption that the development and commercialization of more ecologically-efficient technologies is universally beneficial.

The goal of this article is to demonstrate that environmental sociologists cannot fully explain the relationship between humans and the natural world without theorizing a link between natural resource extraction, armed violence, and environmental degradation. The authors begin by arguing that armed violence is one of several overlapping mechanisms that provide powerful actors with the means to (a) prevail over others in conflicts over natural resources and (b) ensure that natural resources critical to industrial production and state power continue to be extracted and sold in sufficient quantities to promote capital accumulation, state power, and ecological unequal exchange. The authors then identify 10 minerals that are critical to the functioning of the U.S. economy and/or military and demonstrate that the extraction of these minerals often involves the use of armed violence. They further demonstrate that armed violence is associated with the activities of the world’s three largest mining companies, with African mines that receive World Bank funding, and with petroleum and rainforest timber extraction. The authors conclude that the natural resource base on which industrial societies stand is constructed in large part through the use and threatened use of armed violence. As a result, armed violence plays a critical role in fostering environmental degradation and ecological unequal exchange.

Environmental justice scholars have suggested that because chemical plants and other hazardous facilities emit more pollutants where they face the least resistance, disadvantaged communities face a special health risk. In trying to determine whether race or income has the bigger impact on a neighborhood’s exposure to pollution, however, scholars tend to overlook the facilities themselves and the effect of their characteristics on emissions. In particular, how do the characteristics of facilities and their surrounding communities jointly shape pollution outcomes? We propose a new line of environmental justice research that focuses on facilities and how their features combine with communities’ features to create dangerous emissions. Using novel fuzzy-set analysis techniques and the EPA’s newly developed Risk-Screening Environmental Indicators, we test the influence of facility and community factors on chemical plants’ health-threatening emissions. Contrary to the idea that community characteristics have singular, linear effects, findings show that facility and community factors combine in a variety of ways to produce risky emissions. We speculate that as chemical firms experiment with different ways of producing goods and externalizing pollution costs, new “recipes of risk” are likely to emerge. The question, then, will no longer be whether race or income matters most, but in which of these recipes do they matter and how.

This article sets forth a new theoretical model that holds that local, regional, and global environmental crises are to a significant degree the product of organizational, institutional, and network-based inequality, which provide economic, political, military, and ideological elites with the means to create and control organizational and network-based mechanisms through which they (a) monopolize decision-making power; (b) shift environmental and nonenvironmental costs onto others; (c) shape individuals’ knowledge, attitudes, values, beliefs, and behavior; and (d) frame what is and is not considered to be good for the environment. These undemocratic mechanisms produce severe environmental harm because they provide elites with the means to achieve goals that are often environmentally destructive and because they are sometimes environmentally destructive in and of themselves, as is the case with military power. After situating their study in the broader literature, the authors describe their theoretical model in detail and present three case studies that identify some of the most important mechanisms through which elites exert power and harm the environment.

This study combines data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics with neighborhood-level industrial hazard data from the Environmental Protection Agency to examine the extent and sources of environmental inequality at the individual level. Results indicate that profound racial and ethnic differences in proximity to industrial pollution persist when differences in individual education, household income, and other micro-level characteristics are controlled. Examination of underlying migration patterns further reveals that black and Latino householders move into neighborhoods with significantly higher hazard levels than do comparable whites, and that racial differences in proximity to neighborhood pollution are maintained more by these disparate mobility destinations than by differential effects of pollution on the decision to move.

Although environmental inequality researchers have increased our understanding of race- and class-based environmental inequality in many important ways, few environmental inequality studies ask whether children are disproportionately burdened by environmental pollution or whether poor and minority youth are less likely than their White and wealthier counterparts to spend time in green spaces and the natural world. This gap in the literature undermines the ability of researchers to fully understand and explain environmental inequality. To demonstrate the importance of filling this gap, the authors (a) highlight current research findings from the environmental health, environmental education, and environmental psychology literatures regarding the cognitive, emotional, and physical importance of childhood exposure to nature and (b) summarize the few existing studies that have examined class- and race-based inequalities in children's exposure to the natural world and industrial environmental hazards. The authors then suggest several avenues of research that would, if undertaken, significantly increase our understanding of youth-based environmental inequality. By synthesizing findings across multiple disciplines, the authors hope to convince environmental inequality researchers of the importance of investigating children's differential exposure to nature, green spaces, and industrial environmental hazards.

This paper examines the role that gender, occupational status, and family status play in moderating the effect of industrial activity on the psychological well-being of nearby residents. Using a unique spatial assessment of industrial activity and an environmental risk/social stressor framework in conjunction with individual-level data from the Detroit Area Study (DAS) and demographic data from the U.S. census, we find that residents of neighborhoods in close proximity to industrial activity report elevated levels of psychological distress compared to residents of neighborhoods removed from this type of activity. These influences are more pronounced among women but gender differences are also contingent upon occupational and family statuses. We show that specific combinations of work and family statuses make persons particularly vulnerable to the influence of this environmental stressor and women are two and a half times more likely than men to have these vulnerable statuses. This study makes an important contribution to the environmental health literature because it reminds researchers of the fundamental influence of social roles when examining the link between environmental risks and mental health.

In this article, the author demonstrates how geographic information system (GIS) software can be used to reconceptualize spatial relationships and ecological context and address the modifiable areal unit problem. In order to do this, the author uses GIS to (1) test an important category of spatial hypotheses (spatial proximity hypotheses), (2) overcome methodological problems that arise when data sets are not spatially comparable, and (3) measure ecological context. The author introduces a set of GIS variable construction techniques that are designed to accomplish these tasks, illustrates these techniques empirically by using them to test spatial proximity hypotheses drawn from the literature on environmental inequality, and demonstrates that results obtained using these techniques are methodologically superior to and substantively different from results obtained using traditional techniques. Finally, the author demonstrates that these techniques are the product of an alternative conceptualization of physical space that allows sociologists to develop new ways to think about and measure spatial relationships, ecological context, and place-based social inequality and that gives them the ability to reconceptualize spatially based methodological problems that have confronted them for years.

A growing literature examines whether the poor, the working class, and people of color are disproportionately likely to live in environmentally hazardous neighborhoods. This literature assumes that environmental characteristics such as industrial pollution and hazardous waste are detrimental to human health, an assumption that has not been well tested. Drawing upon the sociology of mental health and environmental inequality studies, we ask whether industrial activity has an impact on psychological well-being. We link individual-level survey data with data from the U.S. Census and the Toxic Release Inventory and find that residential proximity to industrial activity has a negative impact on mental health. This impact is both direct and mediated by individuals' perceptions of neighborhood disorder and personal powerlessness, and the impact is greater for minorities and the poor than it is for whites and wealthier individuals. These results suggest that public health officials need to take seriously the mental health impacts of living near industrial facilities.

This article addresses shortcomings in the literature on environmental inequality by (a) setting forth and testing four models of environmental inequality and (b) explicitly linking environmental inequality research to spatial mismatch theory and to the debate on the declining significance of race. The explanatory models ask whether the distribution of blacks and whites around environmental hazards is the result of black/white income inequality, racist siting practices, or residential segregation. The models are tested using manufacturing facility and census data from the Detroit metropolitan area. It turns out that the distribution of blacks and whites around this region’s polluting manufacturing facilities is largely the product of residential segregation which, paradoxically, has reduced black proximity to manufacturing facility pollution.

Although many models of urban racial inequality make predictions about the geographic distribution of social groups and social goods, these predictions are rarely tested spatially. This is because (1) it can be extremely difficult to measure geographic distance using social science datasets and (2) when studying residential segregation, researchers generally measure the total extent of segregation in a region rather than the distribution of racial and ethnic groups within a region. This article overcomes these problems by introducing a geographic information system (GIS) variable construction technique that allows researchers to measure the distance between social groups and goods more precisely than is otherwise possible and by demonstrating the importance of using maps to examine the distribution of social groups and goods within metropolitan areas.

This article provides theoretical refinement and empirical specification for the breakdown variant of strain theory. It reconceptualizes the relationship between social breakdown and movement emergence in a fashion that is consistent with strands of cultural theory, phenomenology, and symbolic interactionism, and that resonates with prospect theory and research on collective action in a diversity of settings. It argues that the key to the breakdown-movement relationship resides in the actual or threatened disruption of the "quotidian"—that is, the taken-for-granted routines and attitudes of everyday life. Four conditions are especially likely to disrupt the quotidian and heighten prospects of collective action: accidents that throw a community's routines into doubt and/or threaten its existence; actual or threatened intrusion into and/or violation of citizens' sense of privacy, safety, and control; alteration in subsistence routines because unfavorable ratios of resources to claimants or demand; and dramatic changes in structures of social control. The relationship between these conditions and movement emergence is elaborated by drawing on literature on the emergence of collective action in various contexts and on our field work on homeless mobilization in eight cities. We close by exploring the implications of our analysis for understanding more fully the generality of various conditions and processes commonly thought to apply to social movement emergence.

Title III of the Superfund Amendments and Reauthorization Act requires all states to establish a system of local emergency planning committees to gather data on the hazardous materials used by local manufacturers and make that information available to inquiring citizens. However, Title III does not specify how proactive states must be in disseminating information on industrial toxins, nor does it provide any federal funds for such programs. Consequently, there is tremendous variation in how individual states have responded to Title III. An unresolved empirical issue is whether states with programs that actively promote public access to information on toxic chemicals are more successful in reducing industrial toxic pollution than states without such programs. Using data from the Environmental Protection Agency's Toxic Release Inventory, this study conducts a preliminary analysis of the effectiveness of the right-to-know programs in decreasing industrial toxic releases across the 50 American states. Contrary to the expectations of some pessimists, findings suggest that right-to-know programs reduce industrial toxic pollution without displacing the problem to other states.