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This review article addresses the little-known armed opposition to the Stroessner regime in Paraguay (1954–89) that remained virtually unreported during the dictatorship. It is based largely on first-hand accounts and official documents that have only recently become available. The Movimiento 14 de Mayo, led by radicals of the Liberal Party and the Frente Unido de Liberación Nacional, led by the Paraguayan communist party, together mobilized around 300 insurgents from Argentina during 1959–1962. Throughout the 1960s, the Columna Mariscal López, backed by the communist party, maintained a tenuous presence inside the country. The review shows that although substantial in scale, these insurgencies all failed. There were several reasons for this. The regime employed a harsh counter insurgency strategy of preventive repression that was adept at infiltration of movements with poor internal security. It was also skillful in manipulating nationalist sentiment against what was perceived as foreign aggression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the oral and physical disruption of 'public' meetings in England in the spring of 1886, when such activity formed part of broader contests over the legitimacy of extra‐parliamentary responses to the Liberal government's Irish Home Rule Bill. Disruption is an important example of the diverse ways in which home rule energised politics outside Westminster and of the heatedness of grassroots responses to it. For those who engaged in it, disruption offered forms of political interaction and participation that, additionally, made claims to representation and opinion. However, disruption was a practice of contestation that was itself the subject of contention and it was decried as transgressing the bounds of appropriate political conduct. Disruption could be seen, in both intent and effect, as a permissive or subversive, inclusive or exclusionary, behaviour. It could therefore legitimise or undermine claims that popular feeling was on the side of or opposed to the policy. The 'politics of disruption' both reflected and generated intense debate about the state of politics in an age of 'mass democracy' – of which home rule was the first major crisis – and about the sanctity of political rights and liberties. This article argues that our understanding of political disruption is enhanced by examining its practice and reception at historical moments, outside the episodic election cycle, when contemporaries believed that it was critically important that 'public opinion' on a political issue be ascertained and voiced, and when the validity of such opinion was disputed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the oral and physical disruption of 'public' meetings in England in the spring of 1886, when such activity formed part of broader contests over the legitimacy of extra‐parliamentary responses to the Liberal government's Irish Home Rule Bill. Disruption is an important example of the diverse ways in which home rule energised politics outside Westminster and of the heatedness of grassroots responses to it. For those who engaged in it, disruption offered forms of political interaction and participation that, additionally, made claims to representation and opinion. However, disruption was a practice of contestation that was itself the subject of contention and it was decried as transgressing the bounds of appropriate political conduct. Disruption could be seen, in both intent and effect, as a permissive or subversive, inclusive or exclusionary, behaviour. It could therefore legitimise or undermine claims that popular feeling was on the side of or opposed to the policy. The 'politics of disruption' both reflected and generated intense debate about the state of politics in an age of 'mass democracy' – of which home rule was the first major crisis – and about the sanctity of political rights and liberties. This article argues that our understanding of political disruption is enhanced by examining its practice and reception at historical moments, outside the episodic election cycle, when contemporaries believed that it was critically important that 'public opinion' on a political issue be ascertained and voiced, and when the validity of such opinion was disputed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the evolution of the Liberal Party's views on the British empire and the Commonwealth from 1900 to 1979. The party's early manifestos criticized the government's handling of British interests abroad, but later shifted focus to domestic issues and social reform. The party acknowledged racial injustice within the empire and embraced European cooperation and anti-racism in the 1950s. The article concludes that the Liberal Party did not display excessive nostalgia for the empire. [Extracted from the article]

Grace Tame's 2021 Australian of the Year (AOTY) award directed public attention towards sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), as did Australia Day award recipients Donna Carson in 2004 and Rosie Battie in 2015. We use mixed-method textual analysis of a corpus of prime minister's Australia Day speeches between 1990 and 2021 to show how conservative Liberal Party prime ministers have narrated a discourse of idealised national identity to manage activist demands regarding SGBV policy. We quantitatively find that prime ministers promote masculine and heteronormative representations of Australian identity and then develop a qualitative typology of conservative SGBV frames employed by prime ministers that gloss over SGBV as a pressing and chronic policy issue and position idealised Australian femininity to condone and obscure SGBV. This paper builds upon scholarship on public policy and gendered nationalism to explain this pattern of SGBV problem definition and framing by conservative prime ministers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, poverty has increasingly been marginalised in Australian policy discourse. One strategy used by social justice advocates to revitalise a poverty policy agenda has been the annual Anti‐Poverty Week campaign, which aims to stimulate community debate around policy innovations to relieve poverty. This paper analyses the Commonwealth parliamentary debates around Anti‐Poverty Week for 10 years from 2012 to 2021. We analyse and compare how politicians from three political parties – the Liberal and National Party Coalition, the Australian Labor Party and The Australian Greens – identified the key statistics for and groups in poverty, their sources of evidence, the consequences of poverty for those affected, the causes of poverty including whether or not disadvantage was linked to wider structural inequities, and the framing of poverty and potential policy solutions. Some conclusions are drawn from these findings about potential strategies for reinvigorating the poverty debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, the author presents in detail the position of the main political parties regarding the constitutional issue of the Romanian Kingdom united in 1918 and the political controversies between these, on the topic of legitimacy of the party entitled to submit to the Parliament a draft of constitution, which would enshrine the new political realities of the Romanian state, following the union of the old Romanian provinces with the Romanian Kingdom at the end of the First World War. As it is well known, during the period 1919-1922 several preliminary drafts of constitution were drawn up, which gave rise to lively public and parliamentary debates, in which it took part, especially, the National Liberal Party, the National Party of Transylvania1 and the Peasants' Party, each of them considering themselves entitled to promote their own preliminary draft of constitution, which attracted the categorical rejection of the others. Although the political controversies between the political parties had as their object the preliminary drafts of constitution, the real adversity between the parties started from their different visions regarding the future development, as a country project, of Romania, the Liberal Party continuing to promote the idea of an administration based on the principle of centralization and on the authority of the central government, while the National Party was more attracted to the idea of a provincial autonomy. The author does not consider that the principles of the constitutional democracy and of the European-style parliamentarism, borrowed in 1866 and revived in 1917 and 1923, were „compatible", in the interwar period, with an electoral system corrupted even by the actions of the Crown and with an executive strengthened and personalized by the authority of the prime minister. The author analyzes the content of the preliminary drafts of constitution elaborated in the era and concludes that the political parties of that time failed to overcome the system limits of the naive parliamentarism existing at that time. Although the legitimate unification of the country through the sovereign acts of union of the old Romanian provinces with the Romanian Kingdom did not surprise the political class, neither the Parliament, nor the governments that came to power immediately after 1918, neither King Ferdinand, nor the leaders of the political parties knew or were able to face the economic, social, national and political challenges of the Great Union and to offer constitutional and legislative solutions to overcome them. Therefore, invoking as well the constitutional provisions from 1923 as a source of reflection for the constitutional thinking from 1991 is not completely unjustified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following article examines the issue of the merger between the liberals with the people's liberals in one party in 1899, during the rule of D. Grekov. In historical literature, the opinion that this coalition was unprincipled, and was created because of the benefits of power, in which the Liberal Party made an attempt to “swallow” the Stambolovists, prevailed for a long time. The author of this work disputes the stated thesis and believes that there is no “unification” between the two parties, regardless of the signed official documents. The coalition is between organizations with similar political beliefs, and the reason for the split is the unequal positions of the weaker People's Liberal Party, the strained relationship between the Prime Minister and the Minister of the Interior, and some organizational problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the study of political trends and groups in the Hungarian reform era, it is necessary examining the political life in the counties. In the 1840s, the nobility in Csanád county became increasingly divided into parties. In my study, I will examine conflicts between the nobles of Csanád and how the formation of the Conservative Party and the Liberal Party affected the political situation in Csanád county. In the context of the Diets, the election of deputies and the drafting of instructions also caused exciting clashes between the nobles, which greatly shades the picture of political trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1910, David Lloyd George, who was serving as chancellor of the exchequer in the Liberal government, opined that: 'Wales had been solid for disestablishment for 40 years' (The Times, 18 Jan. 1910, p.12). According to Lloyd George, this aspiration had been thwarted by the political reality that: 'if a Bill went up to the House of Lords it would not have the slightest chance of getting through'. At its core, the quest for the disestablishment of the Anglican church in Wales was viewed as an unprecedented constitutional and political change. It threatened to dismember one of the pillars of the English state and thereby sever a church/state relationship which, it was argued, predated parliament itself. This article will address the democratic deficit in Wales where the desire of the electorate had been repeatedly frustrated over decades, and the way disestablishment legislation would eventually be enacted through the provisions of the Parliament Act 1911. The final ignominy was that the delay inherent in the new parliamentary process would jeopardise the disestablishment that it had enabled, and this was evident in the first years of the Great War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nineteenth and early twentieth century Liberal Party has been well served by British political historians. By contrast, research on the post‐1945 Liberal Party and Liberal Democrats has become a specialised field, with strong empirical foundations (including in biographies and political science work) but few connections with the larger narratives that historians tell about postwar Britain. This article explores how the story of the 'long Liberal revival' from the late 1950s to the 2010–15 coalition might be reintegrated with contemporary historiography, including debates about deindustrialisation, class dealignment and the rise of 'popular individualism'. It argues that careful attention to the nature and limits of Liberals' political agency can help us understand the changing meaning and significance of third‐party politics in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Liberal party dominated nineteenth century Scottish political life, but the Irish Home Rule crisis of 1886 inflicted damage from which it would never fully recover. This article draws on the author's study of the hundreds of constituency meetings at which the Irish question was discussed in the spring of 1886, the volume and intensity of which heightened and maintained the sense of crisis outside parliament, raised awareness of the policy locally and helped identify its supporters and opponents. These meetings are indicative of the imperative Scottish Liberals felt to discuss Home Rule and declare opinion thereon, and of the conflicting interpretations which emerged of what such opinion meant, what it was worth and who it represented. The crisis arrived at a time of intense Liberal disagreement over the purpose of party organisation and its relationship to 'Scottish opinion', and revealed both a remarkable degree of division within local party associations and a lively debating culture within the constituencies. Examining the relationship between Home Rule and party organisation prompts questions about the cohesion and coherence of 'Liberal Scotland' at both local and national levels. This article reveals the conditional character of party loyalty on Home Rule and the depth and breadth of the split in Scotland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the limited impact of the American Civil War on British Liberal policy makers, focusing on the challenges faced by the Liberal Party during the period of 1855-1885. It examines topics such as the Crimean War, debates over electoral reform, the Irish Question, and the settling of the Alabama claims, suggesting that the American Civil War had minimal influence on British thinking and policymaking.

The article focuses on The concept of free trade, championed by liberal economists Adam Smith and David Ricardo, played a significant role in British politics during the 19th and early 20th centuries. The Liberal Party's fortunes were closely tied to popular support for free trade, which aimed to promote economic growth, specialization, and international cooperation while challenging economic privilege and protectionism.

The relationship between P.L.I. and the collapse of the party system in Italy presents elements of interest. Unlike the mass parties, the Pli perceived some crisis factors: the ever-increasing distance of the ruling class from citizens, the increase in public debt, the spread of bad practices in politics, the need for a big institutional reform, the growth of new political subjects (Leagues) they were issues widely addressed in the internal debate. What you notice is a very difficult situation of a party that is where it doesn't want to be, that participates in the government but would like to stay out of it.1 Despite a timid growth of consensus at the beginning of the crisis, just as a result of an effort to differentiate itself from the other government forces, the Pli was unable to escape the "Grande Slavina". Factors related to its nature and its ideological-cultural identity, but also to its particular history, played a role on the "end" of the Pli, in spite of a favorable international situation (collapse of the Soviet system, Thatcherism, Reaganism). The essay proposes a reconstruction of the political parabola of the P.L.I. starting from the period following Malagodi's opposition to the center-left governments. It is believed that this may serve to identify the reasons for the inability to impose itself as a valid political proposal in a completely changed scenario. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at exploring the discursive strategies used by the central press during the third Liberal Party government led by Gh. Tătărescu (29 August 1936 - 14 November 1937), so as to make naturalizations after 1918 a matter under debate and their revision a necessary solution. The revision of citizenship was already on the agenda of the far-right parties (the National-Christian Defense League, turned into the National-Christian Party, and the "Archangel Michael" Legion) since their foundation, but it was only during the tenure of this government that the topic made its way into the central press. That happened under certain specific conditions. First of all, there was the topic of foreigners and the revival of the National-Christian slogan "Romania for the Romanians" (in the original: „România a românilor"). Secondly, press reports referred to presumed cases of fraudulent reception of citizenship by foreigners (especially Jews) and, more precisely, there was a press scandal caused by the so-called Marton Hertz case. These discursive strategies were successful, because they were followed by three normative revision initiatives. As the analysis of these initiatives, in terms of their legal content and the parliamentary and press debates that ac - companied them, is complex and beyond the scope of this paper, we shall only sketch them. Starting from historical sources (the press articles of the time, the archives of the Legislative Council, the parliamentary debates), the study aims at exploring the previously unknown prehistory of Decree-Law No 169 of 21 January 1938 on the revision of citizenship in terms of the mechanisms that made it possible and prepared the public opinion, in 1938-1939, for the acceptance and effective implementation of the revision of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Siglo Diecenueve: Literatura Hispánica is the property of Universitas Castellae and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the aftermath of the New South Wales Coalition government's defeat in the 2023 election. It highlights the challenges faced by long-term administrations and the need for new leaders to address budget issues and audit programs. The article praises the civil and policy-focused campaign of the election and compares the Liberal Party's loss to other losses at the federal and state levels. It also analyzes the demographic loss of the Liberal Party and the potential direction of the Labor Party under the influence of independent MPs. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of a functional democracy and the role of elections in cleaning up institutions. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the current state of the Liberal Party in Australia and the need for reassessment and fresh thinking. It highlights the negative impact of heavy-handed regulations during the pandemic and argues against surrendering to "woke" identity politics. The author emphasizes the importance of policy, ideas, and principles, and calls for a restoration of faith in the party's philosophical traditions of liberalism, meritocracy, and conservatism. The article also addresses the issue of factionalism within the party and the need for party reform to empower members and prioritize ideas over compliance. The author concludes by urging the party to be bold, offer a real choice to voters, and take back control. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the current state of the Liberal Party in Australia and the challenges it faces, particularly in attracting young voters. It highlights the need for the party to present a renewed vision for the nation and adapt its values to the context of today. The article suggests that the party has lost support from urban and female voters at the federal level, as well as young people at the state level. It explores the reasons behind this decline in support, including economic factors and the influence of social media. The article argues that the party must reframe its message, engage with young people on new platforms, and address issues such as home ownership to regain their support. It emphasizes the importance of freedom and aspiration as core values of Liberalism and calls for the party to inspire young people with a higher and better way of living. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the need for the Liberal Party to address its issues with women's representation. The author, a former journalist and political advisor, emphasizes the importance of equal opportunity for women and challenges the notion of meritocracy within the party. They argue that the party needs to modernize and evolve in order to appeal to women and younger demographics. The author also criticizes nepotism and the lack of fresh blood within the party, calling for a more inclusive and open-minded approach. They highlight the disparity between the average Australian population and the average Liberal member, as well as the low percentage of female Coalition MPs. The article concludes that in order to regain public trust and effectively formulate policies, the party must first address its internal issues regarding women's representation. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista Anuario de Historia Regional y de las Fronteras is the property of Universidad Industrial de Santander and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Dutch general election of March 2021 can be referred to as the 'Corona' election, as the world-wide pandemic influenced all aspects of this election. The government made special provisions to make participation safer for voters. Restrictions on crowd size and social distancing restricted the possibilities for traditional means of election campaigning. Thus the campaign was carried out primarily in the mass and social media. The Corona virus and health care were prominent issues during the campaign. However, Corona had little influence on turnout as the percentage was only slightly lower than for the previous election. Corona seems to have produced 'rally around the leader' or 'don't change horses' effects among Dutch voters. The Liberal Party (VVD) gained one seat, D66 five, and the CU held onto its seats. Although the CDA lost four seats, this was the first election since 1981 that a coalition had not lost seats at a subsequent election. The total number of parties represented rose to a record 17 (for 150 seats in the Second Chamber or Dutch lower house). Corona also impacted the coalition formation process when an infected 'explorer' was photographed with notes from the negotiations when she hurriedly left the building. The ensuing debate created distrust among potential partners that took several months to resolve. In the end, after the longest formation process in Dutch history, the coalition consisted of the same parties as in the previous Cabinet and was led by the same Prime Minister, Mark Rutte. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to describe and interpret the main objectives of the educational policy of the central elites of the Liberals in the region of Greek Macedonia during the period 1915–1924 concerning the process of assimilation and especially the cultural assimilation, the structural integration and the psychological identification of the so-called xenophone or allophone population. We investigate the Glinos Foundation Archive using CDA techniques in combination with the historical interpretative method. Αn assimilation process with mild practices took place, while the achievement of national homogenization through literacy via the demotic Greek language teaching was considered as the main goal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Edinburgh's Liberal politics in the wake of the 1884–5 electoral reforms and the introduction of the Irish home rule debate. The objective is to uncover local nuances of this transitional period of Liberal politics. The Third Reform Act and the Redistribution of Seats Act of 1885 fractured the local Liberal Party as Liberals fought to control the newly established single‐member districts' associations. Advanced Liberals gained control over the associations and endorsed parliamentary candidates holding advanced views on the leading questions in the 1885 election. In three districts, unofficial Liberals stood and won against endorsed Liberals. Consequently, after the election the local Liberal associations in each of these districts split creating rival associations. This allows for unique insight into the effects of Irish home rule on Liberal politics as the associations were largely divided along partisan lines. Ultimately this study shows that the ideological stance of Liberals was not the determining factor of support or opposition to Irish home rule and that Gladstone's Irish question created a more united Party in Edinburgh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Edinburgh's Liberal politics in the wake of the 1884–5 electoral reforms and the introduction of the Irish home rule debate. The objective is to uncover local nuances of this transitional period of Liberal politics. The Third Reform Act and the Redistribution of Seats Act of 1885 fractured the local Liberal Party as Liberals fought to control the newly established single‐member districts' associations. Advanced Liberals gained control over the associations and endorsed parliamentary candidates holding advanced views on the leading questions in the 1885 election. In three districts, unofficial Liberals stood and won against endorsed Liberals. Consequently, after the election the local Liberal associations in each of these districts split creating rival associations. This allows for unique insight into the effects of Irish home rule on Liberal politics as the associations were largely divided along partisan lines. Ultimately this study shows that the ideological stance of Liberals was not the determining factor of support or opposition to Irish home rule and that Gladstone's Irish question created a more united Party in Edinburgh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea that citizens' support for environmental policies depends on their economic interest and the community that one lives in, has been debated extensively in the environmental attitudes literature. However, this literature has not differentiated between separate policy dimensions that concern measures that affect specific groups in different ways. This paper differentiates between a nature/agriculture dimension that divides those who prioritize the agrarian interest from those who prioritize the protection of nature and a climate/energy dimension that divides those who prioritize industrial interest from those who prioritize fighting climate change, using a new survey in the Netherlands (N = 11,327). This two‐dimensional model meets three criteria: scalability, validity, and utility. Scalability is shown by factor analysis and Mokken scaling. Validity is shown by regression analyses that show that whether one lives in a rural or an urban community predicts one's position on the nature/agriculture dimension and that one's financial security predicts one's position on the climate/energy dimension. The utility is shown by regression analyses where the two dimensions are used to predict voting behavior. The Green Party voters favor nature and climate protection, the Liberal Party voters have the opposite views, the Christian‐Democrats favor agricultural interests and the Freedom Party favor industrial interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the experiences of two women who stood in general elections in Smethwick in the aftermath of women's enfranchisement. The first, and far better known, was Christabel Pankhurst, who stood as the Women's Party candidate there in 1918. A little over a decade later, in 1929, the relative unknown Maude Marshall stood as the Liberals' candidate. Both ran very different campaigns: Pankhurst as a celebrity candidate, who made overtly feminist appeals to voters, and Marshall as a candidate enmeshed within the party machine, but both were defeated. This article argues that their experiences as candidates, though distinct, were broadly indicative of wider contemporary trends in British politics. Furthermore, the article considers the role played by local women in both campaigns, examining the ways in which local women responded to, and were involved with, general elections in the years following enfranchisement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to show the use of fear and misinformation in electoral campaigns, by the press and the political groups associated with it; in particular, in the presidential election of 1930, which started a year early and resulted in the victory of candidate Enrique Olaya Herrera, who was supported by the Liberal Party. This campaign was special in many aspects: 1) one month before the election, the participation of a new candidate was confirmed; 2) the desperation and the failed attempts to unite the two factions existing within the conservative party; 3) the candidates' visits to the main cities; 4) the use of new means of transport, public squares full of people and the press publishing pieces about the campaign at telegraph speed. For the above, this article emphasizes the use of fake news by politicians and journalists, who, taking advantage of the distances and rumours, created fake content to harm the image of their rivals and thus, win the election. Content published in El Deber newspaper will be identified and classified into three categories: false connection, imposter content and invented content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on positive appeal of Francesco Ruffini and text that evoked the strong family, cultural and spiritual ties of Cavour with the Swiss world. It mentions period of resistance war in the Valley in the partisan bands, in representation of the Liberal Party. It also mentions passing from the youthful Rosminianism to a liberal socialism marked to an open lay religiosity and clear detachment from liberalism.

This article contributes to current historical debate surrounding Australia's post‐war colonial development of the Territory of Papua and New Guinea. It examines the strategic motivation of both the Chifley Labor and Menzies Liberal/Country governments and explains how the intent of Australian government plans satisfied a broad political consensus, from Fabian policymakers of the Labor Left to the progressive wing of the Liberal Party. In this way, this article builds upon Scott MacWilliam's recent assessment of long‐term Territories Minister, Paul Hasluck, as a "liberal developer". However, in regard to application of policy, despite the appearance of positive and progressive development plans, the lived reality for local people was that the Australian government often did not deliver on these aspirations. Moreover, in circumstances where subjugated people did not fit within an expected narrative of the compliant or Westernised "native", on the ground in the villages the government appeared to prioritise control over Indigenous autonomy. This article explores the dichotomy of these positions, of liberal ambition versus colonial control, and explains why this fundamentally influenced both the effectiveness of government programmes and the lived experience of Papua New Guineans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the Liberal Party's visual pedagogy during the Reform wars (1857-1861) and the Restored Republic (1867-1872) in Mexico. The objective is to analyze a particular set of images that promoted secularism, freedom, and people's sovereignty. Those images include the national emblem, liberty allegories, and the representation of the liberal heroes. Mexican historiography has mostly focused on written texts and has neglected the role of images in the political discourse. However, a "liberal visual pedagogy" in Mexico also circulated in a broad material culture, including architecture, fine arts, furniture, jewelry, and coaches. Liberal imagery embraced different traditions, including pre-Hispanic symbolism, French revolution imagery, and European art styles. I argue that the Liberal Party's images did not directly promote liberal principles. Instead, images shaped an abstract representation of the nation, and in some cases, images visually reinforced the colonial political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

NSW and Victoria still account for wellover half the seats in the federal parliament. So, the task for rebuilding here is primarilyone for us as a Liberal Party, and the primary focus ofthis rebuilding has to be in NSW and Victoria. Since 1996, every election wehave won has involved us winning roughly half or more ofall the seats on offer in NSW and Victoria. [Extracted from the article]

As I mentioned previously, this was not a Covid election.It wasn't even really an election about our nationalsecurity, the economy, border protection or, inactuality, the reality of energy. With the Liberal/National Coalition losing governmentafter nine years at the 2022 federal election, The SydneyInstitute asked two of Sydney's best known Liberal voicesto offer their take on what went wrong. On Tuesday 21June, Senator Hollie Hughes and former Member forWentworth Dave Sharma offered their views on whathappened at the 2022 federal election and what might needto be part of the Liberal Party rethink of party strategyand policy in the coming years. Covid was obviously a factor but, in a lot of ways,Barnaby Joyce was correct when he said the electionitself wouldn't be a Covid election. [Extracted from the article]