Search

Since 2015, when China opened up its onshore bond markets more substantially, foreign investors have significantly increased their investments in Chinese local currency bonds.

Australia-China relations, and especially Chinese influence in Australia, have been the subject of heated debate in Australia since 2016. The central issue is, how to balance concerns over Chinese influence in Australia with the economic benefits of Chinese trade and investment? This study-arguably the first of its kind-answers this question using rigorous empirical modelling. First, it uses Google Trends search results to measure Chinese influence in Australia. Second, it connects Chinese influence, as reflected in Google Trends search results, to financial markets, including stock markets, government bond markets and foreign exchange markets. Weekly data for January 2016-December 2019 are entered into an exponential generalised autoregressive conditional heteroskedastic model. The study finds that the effects of concerns over Chinese influence relate mainly to increased volatility of stock market indices and government bond yields, and downward pressure on the share prices of individual firms that are heavily exposed to Chinese markets. However, the overall effects appear to be minor or insignificant. The implications of these results are that China's economic coercion (if any) may not be effective, and Australia's responses to Chinese influence and interference (if any) may generate insignificant costs. Finally, this study makes original and significant academic contributions to academia by providing a novel framework for exploring international relations., Author(s): Kerry Liu [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.1013.3, 0000 0004 1936 834X, China Studies Centre, University of Sydney, , Sydney, Australia Introduction Australia-China relations began to sour in early 2020. [...]

From December 2020, China made a significant shift towards prioritising security over development. This study delves into the economic repercussions of China's security policy, specifically the Holistic View of National Security. The evolution of this security policy is analysed utilising Baidu Index data. The components of the policy, encompassing political, economic, financial and technology security, are scrutinised, with the economic burdens it imposes being highlighted. China's recent legislative measures concerning national security are assessed, with their potential to hamper economic growth. The adverse effects of the security policy on the economy are uncovered by examining foreign direct investment data, industry sector trends, and the responses of the largest listed firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The city of Shenzhen is known as Chinas Silicon Valley. On 18 August 2019, Chinese authorities released a policy document stating that China will make Shenzhen a model city for others to follow. After an extensive literature review on relevant topics including economic development, innovation, and growth, regional economics and regional government analysis, the following conclusions are drawn: the key of the China Model is the government's proactive and facilitating role in the economy; Shenzhen, which has been transformed from a tiny fishing village to a global innovation metropolis within less than forty years, is a model of the China model; part of the Shenzhen experience can be replicated in the rest of China. At the same time, challenges and uncertainties remain for both Shenzhen and China. Keywords: China Model City; Beijing Consensus; Shenzhen; Regional Disparity; Institutional Development; industrial upgrading JEL Codes: J24, J61, O1, 02, 03, 043, 053, R1, R5, Introduction On 18 August 2019, the Communist Party of China Central Committee and the State Council (Chinas central government) unveiled a policy document on Shenzhen (Wang, 2019). This plan stated [...]

Based on the first of its kind large-scale research on worldwide government ownership from 47 countries, the results show that government owners like to be the largest blockholders; if government is the largest blockholder, the size of its ownership is also quite big. Government ownership is mostly distributed in banks, infrastructure and public utility companies, and strategic manufacturing companies. While there are various theoretical arguments on the size and industry distribution of government ownership, this study provides first-ever empirical evidence. In sum, this paper contributes significantly and originally to our understanding on government ownership, and lay out further directions for future research on the complicated corporate governance issues of government ownership.

China's wolf warrior diplomacy has attracted worldwide attention since April 2020. Unlike previous studies, which mainly adopted a conceptual/qualitative approach, this study, based on Google Trends data during April 2020–May 2021, performs a comprehensive empirical analysis. In particular, this study finds that China's wolf warrior diplomacy began to develop rapidly in April 2020. It finds that China's wolf warrior diplomacy failed to stir up domestic nationalism but significantly augmented the perception of a Chinese threat around the world. However, Xi Jinping's new guidelines on China's wolf warrior diplomacy on May 31, 2021 have reduced the significance of this style of diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia–China relations began to sour in 2016, and the China threat narrative began to dominate since then. Unlike previous studies which either use a qualitative approach or cross‐sectional dataset for empirical analysis, this study creatively creates high‐frequency weekly and monthly time series datasets using the Google Trends search results during January 2016–February 2021. Based on a series of time series modellings, this study examines the roles of various actors, including China's own policies, the Australian Strategic Policy Institute and Clive Hamilton, various factors, including Chinese purchase of Australian housing, Chinese investment in Australia, Chinese students in Australia and China's rise and various media outlets, including the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, Australian Financial Review, Sydney Morning Herald, Daily Telegraph and Herald Sun, in contributing to Australia's China threat narrative. This study makes significant contributions to academia in methods by bringing a new quantitative approach to international relations studies and to policy‐makers as well by quantifying the roles of various actors, factors and media outlets in Australia's China policy debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]