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We tested whether changes in attribution processes could account for the developmental differences observed in how children's use fluency to guide their memory decisions. Children ranging in age from 4 to 9 years studied a list of familiar or unfamiliar cartoon characters. In Experiment 1 (n = 84), participants completed a recognition test during which the perceptual fluency of some items was enhanced using a prime. In Experiment 2 (n = 96), participants completed a source recollection judgment on their recognition decisions. Primed items were recognized at a higher rate than unprimed items. However, while young children rely on fluency for all items, older children use fluency only for unfamiliar items. This pattern came together with a reduction in familiarity-based--but not recollection-based--memory responses.

Previous research has suggested that fluency does not influence memory decisions until ages 7-8. In two experiments (n = 96 and n = 64, respectively), children, aged 4, 6, and 8 years (Experiments 1 and 2), and adults (Experiment 2) studied a list of pictures. Participants completed a recognition test during which each study item was preceded by a sound providing either a highly predictive or mildly predictive context in order to make some test items more conceptually fluent. Overall, highly predictive items were recognized at a higher rate than mildly predictive items demonstrating an earlier development of the fluency heuristic than previously observed. The study provides insight into how children develop metacognitive expectations and when they start to use them to guide their memory responses.

Four experiments were conducted to test whether conjunction errors were reduced after pictorial encoding and whether the semantic overlap between study and conjunction items would impact error rates. Across 4 experiments, compound words studied with a single-picture had lower conjunction error rates during a recognition test than those words studied with 2 pictures. This effect occurred even when participants were asked to respond quickly (Experiment 3) or to respond positively to any word that overlapped with the study phase (Experiment 2), as well as when the number of pictures shown at study was manipulated within-participants (Experiment 4). The effect of semantic overlap was ambiguous, with only Experiment 2 showing a difference between high and low overlap items. Overall, these results are inconsistent with a metacognitive interpretation of the role of pictures in reducing memory errors and are more consistent with impoverished familiarity after single-picture encoding.

Previous research has suggested that performance for items requiring memory-binding processes improves between ages 4 and 6 (J. Sluzenski, N. Newcombe, & S. L. Kovacs, 2006). The present study suggests that much of this improvement is due to retrieval, as opposed to encoding, deficits for 4-year-olds. Four- and 6-year-old children (N = 48 per age) were given objects, backgrounds, and object + background combinations to remember. Younger children performed equivalently to 6-year-olds during a working memory task for all types of memory questions but were impaired during a long-term memory task for the object + background combinations. Furthermore, this deficit was completely due to differences in false alarm rates, suggesting that separate analyses of hits and false alarms may be preferable to corrected recognition scores when studying memory development.

Previous research has shown that illusions of recognition memory based on enhanced perceptual fluency are sensitive to the perceptual match between the study and test phases of an experiment. The results of the current study strengthen that conclusion, as they show that participants will not interpret enhanced perceptual fluency as a sign of recognition memory when there has been a change in sensory modality across the study and test phases of the experiment. This pattern of results was found even when participants visualized each word on an auditory study list, and when there was a long delay between study and test. The results also show that illusions of recognition that are based on more conceptually driven manipulations of processing fluency are not sensitive to modality changes between study and test. Overall, the results suggest that attributions of processing fluency in recognition memory are sensitive to the degree to which the experienced fluency of a stimulus is diagnostic of its prior occurrence.

Categorical knowledge and episodic memory have traditionally been viewed as separate lines of inquiry. Here, we present a perspective on the interrelatedness of categorical knowledge and reconstruction from memory. We address three underlying questions: what knowledge do people bring to the task of remembering? How do people integrate that knowledge with episodic memory? Is this the optimal way for the memory system to work? In the review of five studies spanning four category domains (discrete, continuous, temporal, and linguistic), we evaluate the relative contribution and the structure of influence of categorical knowledge on long-term episodic memory.These studies suggest a robustness of peoples' knowledge of the statistical regularities of the environment, and provide converging evidence of the quality and influence of category knowledge on reconstructive memory. Lastly, we argue that combining categorical knowledge and episodic memory is an efficient strategy of the memory system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]