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Is peer sanctioning a sustainable solution to the problem of human cooperation? We conducted an exact multilab replication ( N = 1,008; 7 labs × 12 groups × 12 participants) of an experiment by Gürerk, Irlenbusch, and Rockenbach published in Science in 2006 (Gürerk Ö, Irlenbusch B, Rockenbach B. The competitive advantage of sanctioning institutions. 2006. Science. 312(5770):108-111). In GIR2006 ( N = 84; 1 lab × 7 groups × 12 participants), groups that allowed members to reward cooperators and punish defectors were found to outgrow and outperform groups without a peer-sanctioning institution. We find GIR2006 replicated in accordance with all preregistered replication criteria in five of the seven labs we sampled. There, the majority of participants joined groups with a sanctioning institution, and participants cooperated and profited more on average than in groups without a sanctioning institution. In the two other labs, results were weaker but still favored sanctioning institutions. These findings establish the competitive advantage of sanctioning institutions as a robust phenomenon within the European context.

Hostile media perception (HMP) theory suggests that partisans perceive neutral coverage of news by outlets opposite to their political leaning as biased against their side. We conducted two pre-registered online experiments to assess the effect of HMP on news bias and news sharing intentions regarding two salient and controversial topics in the US: police conduct (Study 1, N = 817) and COVID-19 norms (Study 2, N = 819). Results show that partisans perceive neutral coverage of news by outlets opposite to their political leaning as biased, even when we account for their prior beliefs regarding the media outlet and news content. However, HMP seems to be limited in its consequences, as it has little impact on partisans' willingness to share news from outlets of opposite political leaning, even though the news is perceived as biased.

Previous studies predominantly examined self-reported attitudes toward economic migrants and refugees along with different types of public concerns. Few of these studies used behavioral measures to analyze how asylum seeker inflows may sway public preferences toward them. However, the literature remains largely silent on the issue as to how correcting misperceptions of asylum seeker inflows may improve a host population’s support for them. The authors’ research addresses this gap, using a lab experiment to examine how providing factual information on asylum seeker inflows changes other-regarding behaviors and attitudes of a host population toward asylum seekers, depending on people’s political leanings. Specifically, the authors examine whether factual information provided by a nonpartisan source may ease or backfire giving behaviors and unwelcoming attitudes toward asylum seekers through the moderation of partisanship. The findings suggest that providing accurate information about the number of asylum seekers counteracts low-level giving behaviors and unwelcoming attitudes of right-wing-leaning citizens.

In the last thirty years, trust has gained momentum across fields, from economics, psychology and sociology to philosophy and political science. The complexity of the notion has greatly grown, and various conceptualisations of trust have been at the centre of heated academic debates. On the other hand, the three-part formalisation of the trust relation, i.e., "A trusts B to do X", has remained mostly unchanged over the years. This "classic formalisation" relies on a case-by-case approach whereby we trust one individual at the time in regard to one specific action. As a result, trust towards groups of people can be established only by evaluating the expected trustworthiness of the vast majority of the individuals in the group, which is often unfeasible. Nevertheless, empirical evidence shows that trust towards large groups (e.g., our fellow citizens, the government, etc.) frequently occurs and it meaningfully correlates with other theoretically pertinent concepts. To overcome this ambiguity, we extend the classical formalisation of trust assuming that people adopt a deductive, top-down approach to relate with their social surroundings. We propose a category-based formalisation of the trust relation, whereby people classify others on the basis of a set of properties and formulate expectations about their reliability. As such, our formalisation encapsulates and expands the classic formalisation, proposing an annotation of the trust relation that encompasses both particular and general forms of trust.

This book examines the role of trust in public life. It seeks to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of certain fundamental concepts in political and legal theory, such as the concepts of authority, power, social practice, the rule of law, and justice by furnishing and sharpening our concepts of trust and trustworthiness. Bringing together contributors from across the social, cognitive, historical, and political sciences, to the book opens up inquiries into central concepts in legal theory as well as new approaches and methodologies. The interdisciplinary contributions analyse the notions of trust, trustworthiness, and distrust and apply them to address a variety of problems and questions.

Gossip, or sharing information about absent others, has been identified as an effective solution to free rider problems in situations with conflicting interests. Yet, the information transmitted via gossip can be biased, because gossipers may send dishonest information about others for personal gains. Such dishonest gossip makes reputation-based cooperation more difficult to evolve. But when are people likely to share honest or dishonest gossip? We build formal models to provide the theoretical foundation for individuals' gossip strategies, taking into account the gossiper's fitness interdependence with the receiver and the target. Our models across four different games suggest a very simple rule: when there is a perfect match (mismatch) between fitness interdependence and the effect of honest gossip, the gossiper should always be honest (dishonest); however, in the case of a partial match, the gossiper should make a choice based on their fitness interdependence with the receiver and the target and the marginal cost/benefit in terms of pay-off differences caused by possible choices of the receiver and the target in the game. Moreover, gossipers can use this simple rule to make optimal decisions even under noise. We discuss empirical examples that support the predictions of our model and potential extensions., This article is part of the theme issue ‘The language of cooperation: reputation and honest signalling’.

The integration of migrants in the US economic system is a central concern of policy-makers and scholars. A faster and smoother assimilation of valuable human capital would indeed benefit the labour market, increasing its efficiency. To investigate the integration of minorities and migrants in the US labour market, we employ data from the Current Population Survey from June 2016 (the primary source of labour force statistics in the US). We focus on the following ethnic groups: White, Black, Asian, and Other (a combination of Native Americans, Pacific and Mixed). For each ethnicity we consider if respondents are US born, 1st- or 2nd-generation of immigrant descent. Among 1st-generation migrants, we further differentiate between recent (in the country for 10 years or less) and long (in the country for more than 10 years) arrivals, as they are likely to have different levels of social capital and knowledge of the job market. We focus on three very relevant labour market outcomes: being employed, being employed in a public sector job and working in a professional or managerial position. Our results indicate better placement of individuals with tertiary degrees, an effect particularly important among women. Minorities in the public sector have made some important gains in terms of occupational attainment parity with the white majority.

The integration of migrants in the US economic system is a central concern of policy-makers and scholars. A faster and smoother assimilation of valuable human capital would indeed benefit the labour market, increasing its efficiency. To investigate the integration of minorities and migrants in the US labour market, we employ data from the Current Population Survey from June 2016 (the primary source of labour force statistics in the US). We focus on the following ethnic groups: White, Black, Asian, and Other (a combination of Native Americans, Pacific and Mixed). For each ethnicity we consider if respondents are US born, 1st- or 2nd-generation of immigrant descent. Among 1st-generation migrants, we further differentiate between recent (in the country for 10 years or less) and long (in the country for more than 10 years) arrivals, as they are likely to have different levels of social capital and knowledge of the job market. We focus on three very relevant labour market outcomes: being employed, being employed in a public sector job and working in a professional or managerial position. Our results indicate better placement of individuals with tertiary degrees, an effect particularly important among women. Minorities in the public sector have made some important gains in terms of occupational attainment parity with the white majority.