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Policy Points There is growing attention to the role of immigration and immigrant policies in shaping the health and well-being of immigrants of color. The early 21st century in the United States has seen several important achievements in inclusionary policies, practices, and ideologies toward immigrants, largely at subnational levels (e.g., states, counties, cities/towns). National policies or practices that are inclusionary toward immigrants are often at the discretion of the political parties in power. Early in the 21st century, the United States has implemented several exclusionary immigration and immigrant policies, contributing to record deportations and detentions and worsening inequities in the social drivers of health.

Immigration detention centers are densely populated facilities in which restrictive conditions limit detainees' abilities to engage in social distancing or hygiene practices designed to prevent the spread of COVID-19. With tens of thousands of adults and children in more than 200 immigration detention centers across the United States, immigration detention centers are likely to experience COVID-19 outbreaks and add substantially to the population of those infected.Despite compelling evidence indicating a heightened risk of infection among detainees, state and federal governments have done little to protect the health of detained im-migrants. An evidence-based public health framework must guide the COVID-19 response in immigration detention centers.We draw on the hierarchy of controls framework to demonstrate how immigration detention centers are failing to implement even the least effective control strategies. Drawing on this framework and recent legal and medical advocacy efforts, we argue that safely releasing detainees from immigration detention centers into their communities is the most effective way to prevent COVID-19 outbreaks in immigration detention settings. Failure to do so will result in infection and death among those detained and deepen existing health and social inequities.

For decades, marginalized communities have been naming the harms of policing--and the systemic racism that undergirds it--for health and well-being. Only recently have policing practices and racism within policing gained more widespread attention in public health. Building on social justice and emancipatory traditions in health education, we argue that health educators are uniquely prepared to use the evidence base to reframe narratives that drive aggressive policing and their disproportionate impacts on communities of color, promote disinvestment in militarized policing, and build relationships with community-based organizations and community organizers developing community-centered approaches to safety. Using public health institutions and institutions of higher education as examples, we suggest specific strategic actions that health educators can take to address policing as a public health issue. Health educators are uniquely poised to work with diverse community and institutional partners to support social movements that create community-centered, equitable approaches to public safety and health.

Introduction. The policing of identities through policies that restrict access to IDs issued by U.S. governmental entities disparately affects communities of color; communities who identify as low-income, immigrant, older, and/or transgender; and community members who experience chronic mental illness, housing instability, or incarceration. Yet government-issued IDs are increasingly needed to access health-promoting resources such as housing, banking, social services, and health care, and in interactions with law enforcement. Methods. Since 2012, the Washtenaw ID Project's coalition-building process has involved communities affected by restrictive ID policies, advocates, and institutional stakeholders to enact community and systems change regarding inequities in government-issued IDs. We discuss the coalition-building process that culminated in the implementation of a photo ID issued by Washtenaw County government as a policy change strategy. We also highlight the community-academic research partnership evaluating the effectiveness of the Washtenaw ID in order to ensure equity in Washtenaw ID access and acceptance. Results. In 2015, 77% of Washtenaw ID holders reported having no other locally accepted ID. At follow-up, Washtenaw ID holders reported favorable Washtenaw ID acceptance rates in several domains (e.g., health care, school), but not when accessing banking services and housing. Additionally, community discussions suggested racial inequities in carding and ID acceptance. We discuss next steps for policy improvement to ensure equitable impact of the ID. Conclusions. Without national policy reform instating access to government-issued IDs for all, the social movement to establish local IDs may improve access to health-related resources contingent on having an ID. Careful attention must be paid to community organizing processes, policy implementation, and evaluation to ensure equity.

Purpose: Policies that restrict access to U.S. government-issued photo identification (ID) cards adversely affect multiple marginalized communities. This context impedes access to health-promoting resources that increasingly require government-issued IDs and exacerbates health inequities. In 2015, Washtenaw County, Michigan, implemented the Washtenaw ID to improve access to resources contingent upon having an ID. We employed an audit study to examine whether Washtenaw ID users experienced racially biased treatment in carding experiences and acceptance of the Washtenaw ID. Methods: Seven 25- to 32-year-old mystery shoppers (two Latina, three black, and two white women) attempted to purchase a standardized basket of goods, including an age-restricted item in Washtenaw County stores (n=130 shopping experiences). We examined whether experiences of being asked for ID and acceptance of the Washtenaw ID varied by race/ethnicity. Results: Each shopper visited 9-22 stores. Shoppers were asked for ID in 63.1% of shopping experiences. Of these, the Washtenaw ID was accepted 91.5% of the time. Among those who were asked for ID, a higher percentage of Latina (16.0%) shoppers had their Washtenaw IDs rejected than black (6.3%) and white (4.0%) shoppers, although differences were not statistically significant (p=0.27). Latina shoppers had 2.9 times the odds of receiving a comment about their Washtenaw ID relative to white shoppers (OR=2.92, p=0.08), comments that were nonpositive. Conclusion: Local IDs may improve access to resources contingent upon having an ID. However, racialization processes, including anti-immigrant sentiments, may inhibit the mitigating goal of local IDs. Continued attention to the health equity impacts of equity-driven interventions is warranted.

Introduction: The policing of identities through policies that restrict access to IDs issued by U.S. governmental entities disparately affects communities of color; communities who identify as low-income, immigrant, older, and/or transgender; and community members who experience chronic mental illness, housing instability, or incarceration. Yet government-issued IDs are increasingly needed to access health-promoting resources such as housing, banking, social services, and health care, and in interactions with law enforcement. Methods: Since 2012, the "Washtenaw ID Project"'s coalition-building process has involved communities affected by restrictive ID policies, advocates, and institutional stakeholders to enact community and systems change regarding inequities in government-issued IDs. We discuss the coalition-building process that culminated in the implementation of a photo ID issued by Washtenaw County government as a policy change strategy. We also highlight the community-academic research partnership evaluating the effectiveness of the Washtenaw ID in order to ensure equity in Washtenaw ID access and acceptance. Results: In 2015, 77% of Washtenaw ID holders reported having no other locally accepted ID. At follow-up, Washtenaw ID holders reported favorable Washtenaw ID acceptance rates in several domains (e.g., health care, school), but not when accessing banking services and housing. Additionally, community discussions suggested racial inequities in carding and ID acceptance. We discuss next steps for policy improvement to ensure equitable impact of the ID. Conclusions: Without national policy reform instating access to government-issued IDs for all, the social movement to establish local IDs may improve access to health-related resources contingent on having an ID. Careful attention must be paid to community organizing processes, policy implementation, and evaluation to ensure equity.

Discrimination is associated with negative mental health outcomes for Latina/o adolescents. While Latino/a adolescents experience discrimination from a number of sources and across contexts, little research considers how the source of discrimination and the context in which it occurs affect mental health outcomes among Latina/o children of immigrants. We examined the association between source-specific discrimination, racial or ethnic background of the source, and school ethnic context with depressive symptoms for Latina/o adolescents of immigrant parents. Using multilevel linear regression with time-varying covariates, we regressed depressive symptoms on source-specific discrimination, racial or ethnic background of the source of discrimination, and school percent Latina/o. Discrimination from teachers (β = 0.06, p

Social determinants of health (SDOH), or the conditions in which people are born, live, learn, work, and age, influence health behavior and health outcomes. Often, in health education and behavior literature, emphasis is placed on individual behavior. However, scholars are beginning to move more upstream and incorporate SDOH frameworks into public health research. Thus, teaching SDOH is necessary for the next generation of public health scholars. In the COVID-19 pandemic era, SDOH are more prominent than ever as we educate and advocate to increase health equity. We present four strategies on teaching SDOH to master-level candidates in a virtual "Zoom-fatigue" environment during high-profile world events such as the COVID-19 pandemic, racialized police violence, and a contested election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]