Search

This article examines the individual and societal explanations for the persistence of the hijab as a conservative cultural norm in persistently religious and culturally conservative communities. Analyzing data from 300 hijab-wearing women in Egypt and 198 hijab-wearing women in Kuwait, our findings confirm the importance of considering societal as well as individual-level factors in the persistence of conservative cultural norms. We find that low salience of the hijab is associated with beliefs that others misuse the hijab. High salience of the hijab is correlated with beliefs that the hijab brings its wearer greater social mobility. Exposure to non-hijab-wearers was associated with both high and low salience of the hijab, and demonstrates the influence that exposure to norm breakers has on reinforcing the salience of conservative social norms.

This article critically reviews the role of women's non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Kuwait in supporting human and educational development. The spread of NGO's in any society is an indicator of the involvement of citizens in the events around them, whether in human resource development (HRD) or political advocacy. They act as a check and balance of the government, as they represent the public. This article will outline the historical development of women's NGO's in Kuwait and the challenges they faced in building commitment to gender equality. The discussion illustrates how they have lobbied government and become key stakeholders in national HRD planning. Women's organizations have been in the forefront of social change and equality agendas, garnering public support for civil rights and education provisions. In the absence of a united women's movement in Kuwait, the NGOs are a link for women to access state bureaucracy and make a significant contribution to human development and social change.

Social Change has transformed societies globally through the spread of education, the evolution of formal labor markets and the new roles individuals now play in the development of their societies. Just as economic institutions have been affected so have social institutions like the family, been transformed. Urbanization has led to the disintegration of the joint family to the independent, small, nuclear family. With residential autonomy and lack of control from the joint family elders, divorce rates have been rising universally. This paper studies the trend of Divorce in Kuwaiti Society. Kuwait is an oil rich Gulf state where rapid economic development has been witnessed for over four decades. Urbanization and the Governments’ Welfare policies have helped young married couples to move to new areas and establish their homes. While social allowances for wife, children, etc were intended to help the Kuwaiti family, cope with the rising cost of living, divorce rates did not decline. Through Vital Statistics, data from the court of Justice and past research, the paper tries to examine the characteristics of those getting divorced. What factors have had an effect on this trend - education, age at marriage, women’s labor force participation? How has the State attempted to help divorced women to readjust? Modernization has led to contradictions and challenges - weakening of the family support systems, legal reforms and a new awareness of rights and duties among the two sexes. How can these changes shed light on the problem of divorce? This study attempts to explain why divorce is a problem in Kuwait and some possible solutions to reduce the negative impact of divorce on future generations.

This chapter presents a case study of data from Kuwaiti college students that tests Samuel Huntington's (1996) "clash of civilizations" thesis. It also goes a step further to challenge Inglehart and Norris's thesis which asserts that issues of gender are the most poignant issues of cultural conservatism, which will leave a gap between modernizing countries. The chapter highlights Kuwait as a country which is breaking this "clash" thesis by incorporating a "co-existence" model for religious traditionalism and progressive modernism when it comes to women's political rights. But first, a brief review of Kuwait's history will summarize the progression of women's public roles until modern times. Demographic control variables include: gender, age, income, mother's education, and marital status. The example of gender and politics in Kuwait offers a counterpoint to Huntington's "clash of civilizations" thesis and offers a more complicated picture. Keywords: clash of civilizations; co-existence model; contemporary Kuwait; women's political rights