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Organised crime – and the people, processes and structures involved – do not exist in a geographical vacuum. They have an inherent spatiality: shaped by and shaping the places they occupy in physical, virtual and hybrid spaces. Although the 'social embeddedness' of organised crime is relatively well-recognised, its spatiality – or 'spatial embeddedness' – has been neglected. This article contextualises and introduces our special issue on the new geographies of organised crime. We put forward a central argument that geographical lenses can advance and enrich understanding of organised crime, briefly review relevant literature and explain some of the foundational concepts in geographical thinking. We discuss the rationale for this special issue and highlight its papers' main contributions. Since the geographies of the illicit are full of complexities, heterogeneities and subjectivities, we do not propose any singular approach, but rather see a plurality of possibilities for better incorporating geography into organised crime scholarship. Accordingly, the papers are theoretically and methodologically diverse, as well as covering varied topics and locations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies legitimate businesses confiscated from mafia groups in Italy to assess whether mafia investment patterns across industries depend on the characteristics of the geographical environment in which infiltrated firms operate. We carry out a spatial regression analysis of more than 1700 firms, with special emphasis on restaurants/hotels and construction, confiscated from mafia groups in Italy against a set of variables related to the social and criminal environment (with a special emphasis on mafia presence) after controlling for the local business structure and the economic/financial composition of the areas. Ceteris paribus, mafia investments in the construction industry are greater in regions with a higher level of mafia presence, infiltration of public administration and more protected markets; while investments in bars, restaurants and hotels are greater in areas characterized by less rooted mafia presence, higher violence, higher trade openness and cash intensity. The results suggest that mafia investments in construction can benefit from the opportunities offered by grip on the territory and on the public administration; and those in restaurants by concealment drivers, such as money laundering. This article contributes to the understanding of the geography of mafia economy and of the mobility of mafia groups beyond territories of origin, by highlighting the possible instrumental use of legitimate businesses, and the relationship between mafias' migration and infiltration mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Land on Fire: The Spatial Production of the Mafia" proposes to address a major lacuna in geographic literature: How mafia groups are socially and spatially reproducing themselves through the intentional setting of fire. Analyzing the 2021 and 2023 wildfire seasons in Sicily, this research proposes that the Sicilian Mafia is operationalizing both rural and urban space in novel ways that reflect a transformation in their organizational structure. This work engages with Henri Lefebvre's theory on the production of space but also uses ethnography in Sicily to reorient our understanding of mafia crime, suggesting that the Sicilian Mafia's operationalization of the landscape reflects not only an evolution of the Mafia but also an altered relationship with the land itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the methodological process employed in two recent research projects about mafias and organized crime groups (OCGs) and considers the self-reflexion that took place as part of the research process. Whereas most contemporary studies that focus on mafias and OCGs use theoretically informed approaches, which follow a hypothetical-deductive model, here a novel approach of combining an inductive model based on a Grounded Theory Method (GTM) with a storyline approach is presented. This results in perhaps a more thorough understanding of mafias and OCGs and produces a clear knowledge and evidence-based account of these realities that could be useful for practitioners. This article presents an innovative research design used in the general study of organized crime, the combination of a GTM with a storyline approach. Firstly, it explains the rationale and the steps involved in this combination. Secondly, its application in two specific research projects on organized crime is explained, empirically and theoretically. Thirdly, a critical reflection on the suitability of these two paradigms for the study of contemporary social phenomena is presented. Lastly, the conclusions suggest that while a GTM may be considered to lack positivist rigour, the contribution it makes to our understanding of mafias and OCGs must not be underestimated, in particular when combined with the storyline approach, which anchors evidence to theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the securitisation of Hungarian purchases of cultural built heritage in Slovakia in 2021–2023. It demonstrates that, while the material existence of this heritage had not been in any way endangered, it nevertheless became intimately intertwined with the broader anxieties and fears of irredentism and territorial revisionism, stemming from persisting conflicts in memory politics and from the Hungarian government's controversial and non-transparent approach to its neighbours. It demonstrates how the conflicting national(ist) narratives are reinforced by a lack of basic transparency, resulting from the political economy and power techniques of the 'illiberal' political regimes which some political scientists dub 'the mafia state'. The article draws on insights from critical security studies, critical heritage studies and the ontological security theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses how fashion in the Italian crime series Suburra and Gomorrah is a significant facet of how these programmes' visual and narrative discourses work upon audiences to communicate a privileged vision of the criminal subcultures they represent. Clothing and style are crucial to the series through the narrative dimension, in which costuming reveals character development and symbolizes shifts in plot and theme, as well by articulating the characters' adherence to and deviation from their cultural milieu. Moreover, by presenting an ethnography of criminal subcultures as articulated through dress, these series have engendered a complex network of fashion fandom, raising significant questions about viewer identification and the reification of mob wear within mainstream culture. This in-depth analysis of the role of fashion in Suburra and Gomorrah aims to deepen our understanding of how these series constitute a significant intervention on the interplay of fashion and identity in Italy today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'ndrangheta is a mafia group from Calabria, Southern Italy. Considerable efforts have been made to understand the structures and the organisation of this mafia, not only in the province of Reggio Calabria where it originated, but also in other Calabrian provinces and even outside the Calabrian region. Building on judicial data from a recent maxi-trial (Rinascita-Scott) against 'ndrangheta clans in the province of Vibo Valentia, we build a theoretical approach based on narrative criminology applied to organisational studies of secretive organisations. We find a 'script of narratives' emerging from collaborators and affiliates' stories – about socialisation, discretion, and accreditation - which reveals how recognition and constitution of 'added' 'ndrangheta clans are thought to work. This script helps us understand the constitutive power of narratives in mafias and critically approach the study of such organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to its secretive nature and propensity to spread if left unchecked, organized crime bedeviled politicians and law enforcement officials in North America. The popular mythology surrounding the gangster and mobster betrayed the harsh realities of illicit business activities geared towards exploitive profit. Canada was slow to appreciate that career criminals connected to mafia syndicates from the United States and their home-grown accomplices were present and active during the 1960s. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police/Gendarmerie royale du Canada took the lead in criminal intelligence and maintained close relations with American law enforcement counterparts at the federal level. Separate efforts in Quebec focused on investigation towards prosecution, pushed by a tough-on-crime justice minister. The two approaches towards the problem came up in discussions between federal and provincial authorities during meetings in July 1965 and January 1966, interspersed by a federal election that returned a Liberal minority government to power. This article argues that the federal government's preference for a modest law enforcement solution stymied real progress and instead served political expediency to dodge a demanded royal commission. Organized crime continued to flourish despite governmental efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the historical origins of the Mafia and its roots in the Sicilian latifundia. By employing earthquake intensity as an instrumental variable to tackle endogeneity concerns, our study reveals a significant relationship between the presence of the Mafia during its initial historical appearances in the second half of the 19th century and the characteristics of latifundia. Latifundia, distinguished by large landowners and extensive agriculture, including the rotation of single-crop, pasture, and fallow lands, is found to be closely linked to this heightened Mafia presence. Moreover, our analysis rules out contemporary socio-economic factors by considering a set of control variables such as agricultural proxies. These findings highlight a persistent historical pattern of inequality, proxied by the spread of latifundia, underscoring the enduring influence of the medieval feudal system, transformed into latifundia, on social dynamics. Our findings suggest that policies aimed at reducing the concentration of land ownership and promoting land reform could effectively have curbed the emergence of organized crime in areas with a history of comparatively higher land ownership inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Calabrian 'illegitimacy' in the (inter)national imaginary today is largely the result of the region's association with the 'ndrangheta. Using analysis of oral history interviews, this research examines how this 'illegitimacy' influences the self-perception of Calabrians. It argues that a spectrum of prejudice and its effects can be mapped out both metaphorically and geographically. This spectrum incorporates Italy's position in relation to northern Europe, the South's position within Italy, Calabria's position within the South and the position within Calabria of certain communities. A number of towns in the Locride are at the extreme end of this spectrum: Locri, San Luca, Africo and Platì. Analysis of the (mis)recognition of inhabitants of these communities, including by other Calabrians, demonstrates how the experience of shame may be layered. This paper also considers how interviewees appear to deny their social and cultural proximity with the 'ndrangheta and the role this plays in a self-perpetuating cycle involving stereotypes, 'ndrangheta growth and extreme socioeconomic conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Macrophage infiltration and accumulation in the atherosclerotic lesion are associated with plaque progression and instability. Depletion of macrophages from the lesion might provide valuable insights into plaque stabilization processes. Therefore, we assessed the effects of systemic and local macrophage depletion on atherogenesis. To deplete monocytes/macrophages we used atherosclerosis‐susceptible Apoe−/− mice, bearing a MaFIA (macrophage‐Fas‐induced‐apoptosis) suicide construct under control of the Csf1r (CD115) promotor, where selective apoptosis of Csf1r‐expressing cells was induced in a controlled manner, by administration of a drug, AP20187. Systemic induction of apoptosis resulted in a decrease in lesion macrophages and smooth‐muscle cells. Plaque size and necrotic core size remained unaffected. Two weeks after the systemic depletion of macrophages, we observed a replenishment of the myeloid compartment. Myelopoiesis was modulated resulting in an expansion of CSF1Rlo myeloid cells in the circulation and a shift from Ly6chi monocytes toward Ly6cint and Ly6clo populations in the spleen. Local apoptosis induction led to a decrease in plaque burden and macrophage content with marginal effects on the circulating myeloid cells. Local, but not systemic depletion of Csf1r+ myeloid cells resulted in decreased plaque burden. Systemic depletion led to CSF1Rlo‐monocyte expansion in blood, possibly explaining the lack of effects on plaque development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Organized crime's governance raises questions about mechanisms facilitating the exercise of illegal authority in society. The present research tested the association between masculine honor ideology and the justification of connivance practices facilitating criminal groups' activities. We examined the novel idea that national identification would attenuate and territorial identification would strengthen such a relationship, reflecting different sources of authority at the national and territorial levels. In Studies 1a and b (N = 398 and N = 399), we measured individuals' endorsement of masculine honor, justification of connivance practices, and national and territorial identifications. In Study 2 (N = 390), we experimentally manipulated the salience of these identities. Results supported the hypotheses that the link between masculine honor and justification of connivance was weaker at higher levels of national identification and stronger at higher levels of territorial identification. Implications and future directions are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several remedies can be adopted in the fight against organized crime and mafias. One of the most effective is the confiscation of their assets. After confiscation, assets can be used to provide services to citizens, frequently thanks to the support of non-profit organizations. With a focus on Italy, this study investigates the transparency of the confiscation process and the factors that explain why local governments provide (or do not provide) information on confiscated assets. Points for practitioners: To facilitate dialogue with citizens, it is essential to consider the perspective of data users, so as to avoid focusing on the data provider. Such a dialogue can aid the adequate reuse of assets confiscated from the mafia and other criminal organizations, contributing to the 'social' fight against them. This article contributes to the debate on both transparency and studies on mafia organizations, providing a new insight through the consideration of how external pressures can drive public-sector entities to be more transparent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Network disruption is pivotal in understanding the robustness and vulnerability of complex networks, which is instrumental in devising strategies for infrastructure protection, epidemic control, cybersecurity, and combating crime. In this paper, with a particular focus on disrupting criminal networks, we proposed to impose a within-the-largest-connected-component constraint in a continuous batch removal disruption process. Through a series of experiments on a recently released Sicilian Mafia network, we revealed that the constraint would enhance degree-based methods while weakening betweenness-based approaches. Moreover, based on the findings from the experiments using various disruption strategies, we propose a structurally-filtered greedy disruption strategy that integrates the effectiveness of greedy-like methods with the efficiency of structural-metric-based approaches. The proposed strategy significantly outperforms the longstanding state-of-the-art method of betweenness centrality while maintaining the same time complexity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organized crime tightens its corrupting influence on politics through violent intimidation. Anti-crime measures that increase the cost of corruption but not of the exercise of violence might, on the one hand, lead mafia-style organizations to retaliate by resorting to violence in lieu of bribery. On the other hand, this kind of anti-crime measure might also induce criminal clans to go inactive, owing to the lower expected payoff from the "business" of influencing politics, which would reduce violence. To determine which of these possible effects is prevalent, we undertake an empirical assessment of the impact of city council dissolution for mafia influence in Italy as prescribed by Decree Law 164/1991 in discouraging violence against politicians in the period 2010–2019. The difference-in-differences analysis shows that in the dissolved municipalities the enforcement of the Law reduces violence and that the effect persists (at least) for seven years after the compulsory administration. The most likely driving channel of this result is the renewed pool of politicians elected after compulsory administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By drawing on ethnographic and historical accounts of migrant smuggling and forgery from the smugglers' perspectives, this essay shifts the focus from a state-centric understanding of smuggling as a criminal activity conducted by 'greedy' individuals and 'mafia rings', to a specific form of practice that operates through a series of concrete material techniques. It argues that smuggling recognises and reworks the material and technological features of borders which are vulnerable to reappropriation. These vulnerabilities inherent to the materialisation of abstract notions such as borders are understood and discussed as 'reproducibility', 'repetition', and 'imitation'. Smuggling not only reconfigures the apparatus of borders to provide support for those who are denied access to mobility, but also can teach us something about a specific mode of critique that I call a material mode of critique. The material mode of critiquing borders goes beyond a discursive mode which mostly locates politicians, academics, and activists as the critics of border politics. This mode can open up new possibilities of thinking about and against borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The property confiscated from organised crime is the outcome of a particular communing process. Italian law provides for a primary compensatory function, implemented in the final destination of their use for collective, institutional, or social purposes. Despite the critical management issues, which prolong the allocation process, the strong symbolic value is enriched by the significance of compensation for the mafia oppression that certain territories suffer. In addition, confiscated properties constitute a potential resource for the territory from an economic point of view, capable of supporting job opportunities and enhancing useful services and activities for the community involved. The resignification of confiscated property requires specific focus on the various phases of the interventions. It is not just a question of a mere change of legal status or intended use but of a profound reorganisation of the architectural, material, technological, environmental, and managerial characteristics. This is consequent and consistent with the interweaving of legal, social, cultural and environmental aspects triggered by confiscation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the long-run economic impact of dismissing city councils infiltrated by organized crime. Applying a matched difference-in-differences design to the universe of Italian social security records, we find that city council dismissals (CCDs) increase employment, the number of firms, and industrial real estate prices. The effects are concentrated in Mafia-dominated sectors and in municipalities where fewer incumbents are reelected. The dismissals generate large economic returns by weakening the Mafia and fostering trust in local institutions. The analysis suggests that CCDs represent an effective intervention for establishing legitimacy and spurring economic activity in areas dominated by organized crime. (JEL D73, H77, K42, R11, R23) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the wide reach of anti-money laundering legislation worldwide and increasing media attention, fostered by journalistic leaks such as Panama Papers, empirical knowledge on how criminals launder their illicit proceeds is still scarce. The few available empirical studies show that money laundering (ML) schemes are often less sophisticated than they are depicted in the political and media debate. To contribute to the empirical knowledge of ML behaviour, and test this hypothesis, the present study analyses the ML activities related to 2818 Italian offenders included in the ML section of the LexisNexis' WorldCompliance database. Through a quantitative content analysis of textual information related to each offender's profile, it highlights the characteristics of the ML offenders, the methods (or 'typologies' in FATF terms) employed, the assets seized, the business sectors involved and the countries in which ML was conducted. The results confirm that criminals tend to employ unsophisticated typologies, as well as prefer Italy or jurisdictions that are close (geographically and culturally) to Italy for laundering their illicit proceeds. Tangible assets (first real estate and registered vehicles) are more frequent than financial assets. Finally, differences exist between the laundering by mafia-related ML offenders and non-mafia ones. The study provides empirical ground to progress in the knowledge of how ML offenders behave, and supports the idea that criminals, when laundering their proceeds, do not act as legitimate entrepreneurs, but may be driven by other constraints and drivers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the role of civic norms for social change after traumatic events, and how do those norms shape collective resistance? The present study seeks to address this urgent query by examining Sicilians' culture war against the mafia. Based on rigorous ethnographic research over a period of 7 years (2016–2023), an extensive database was created, which included 77 commemorative events, a guided city tour, 54 interviews with antimafia activists, and 89 audio–visual recordings totaling 1768 min. I introduce two analytical concepts, "informative rituals" and "transmissive rituals," that offer a new perspective on how activists leverage the civic norms of social bonds to realize their objectives. I argue that shifting civic norms in a post‐traumatic society is not only driven by collective resistance but also requires significant time in the presence of an oppressive force. This study proposes that, for a socially traumatized community attempting to shift civic norms, prolonged and strenuous endeavors are required in order to thoroughly permeate those norms among the general public. The findings demonstrate that the consolidation of civic norms within post‐traumatic societies is highly contingent upon its temporal context and sustainability, which explains why culture wars frequently necessitate a long‐term communal investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yarin Eski and Anna Sergi recently published an article in Trends in Organized Crime called 'Ethnic profiling of organised crime? A tendency of mafia‑cation in the Netherlands' Eski and Sergi (Trends Organ Crime, 1?20 2023). In their theoretical contribution, the authors claim that the policing of organised crime in the Netherlands amounts to ethnic profiling of minorities. However, the question of whether Dutch organised crime policies focus on ethnic minorities is in fact an empirical one. While Eski and Sergi claim the existence of an 'ethnicised' focus, the use of the phrase 'theoretical' is a rather ineffective attempt to cover up methodological weaknesses and a lack of empirical substantiation. Court records, records of the Public Prosecution Service, parliamentary documents, and academic research into organised crime provide not a shred of evidence of mafia-cation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will explore how the current narratives (and corresponding changes) in Dutch organised crime policing relate to ethnic profiling of minorities in the Netherlands. It will do so by developing a theoretically informed narrative understanding of what we would like to conceptualise as ethnic profiling of organised crime (in the Netherlands), digging deeper into the connection between the role of ethnicity in organised crime studies inasmuch as it relates to the history of the mafia concept and, even further, lingering colonialism in law-and-order approaches. By focusing on (assumed) socio-historical connections between Italy, mafia and organised crime and on the social construction of Italian mafia as organised crime, based on narrative criminology, this article discursively and interpretatively understands the dominant and hidden Dutch narratives on (policing) organised crime. The discovered narratives will be critically discussed in light of the juxtaposition between mafias and ethnic organised crime and post-colonial implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal on Criminology is the property of Policy Studies Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the arrest of Matteo Messina Denaro, the last remaining boss of the Cosa Nostra still at large who was involved in the massacres of 1992 and 1993. The arrest was seen as a historic moment in the fight against the mafia and was met with enthusiasm from politicians and authorities. The article delves into Messina Denaro's criminal career, his role within the Cosa Nostra, and the reactions to his arrest. It also explores the issues of complicity and cover-ups that allowed him to remain at large for so long, and reflects on anti-mafia efforts in relation to politics and public policy. The arrest of mafia boss Messina Denaro was celebrated by the government and political parties as a historic victory in the fight against organized crime. However, some questioned the authenticity of the arrest, suggesting that it may have been orchestrated or facilitated by corrupt elements within the state or other mafia bosses. The arrest also sparked a political debate, with government spokespersons claiming credit for the arrest and opposition parties accusing the government of being soft on organized crime. The arrest also raised questions about the mafia's connections to the legal economy and politics, as well as the role of the "mafia bourgeoisie" in supporting and protecting mafia figures. The concept of the "grey area" was used to describe the space where collusion between the mafia and individuals in business and politics occurs. Overall, the arrest of Messina Denaro highlighted the ongoing challenges in combating organized crime [Extracted from the article]

The criminal groups of the United States of America in the second half of the 20th century definitely did not create new ideological trends and concepts; they were organized using existing views and ideologies known throughout the world. In the 1980s, there was an ideological “scrapping” in the US prison system, which led to considerable concern among US law enforcement officers. The article examines the period of active opposition of the FBI to one of the largest neo-Nazi prison groups “Aryan Brotherhood” in the second half of the 20th century, and also reveals the history of this organization, its structure, a number of crimes committed by members of this gang, cases of recruiting individual members of the “Brotherhood” as FBI informants, as well as the interaction of various prison groups in the USA among themselves. Despite the activities of the FBI, the Los Angeles Police Department, the US Department of Justice and the prosecutor’s office, gaining control of the situation took a significant time, this organization still exists today, but its activities no longer go beyond the walls of prisons.

This study investigates how farmers develop place-based relations when subject to structural conditions of violence and environmental crime. We particularly focus on environmental crimes perpetrated by the Camorra, the Neapolitan Mafia, at the expense of farming communities in the metropolitan areas of Naples and Caserta, in Italy. Farmers located in this area have struggled to mobilize collectively, with only a group of farmers enable to re-act to land exploitation, illegal burning or dumping, and more in general to the waste crisis. Stimulated by this rather puzzling empirical evidence, our research team engaged in a deeper investigation of the waste crisis, exploring how farmers located in the Land of Fires reacted to conditions of violence and environmental crime by developing a differentiated set of place-based narratives and practices. Using the Land of Fires and the waste crisis as an empirical context, in this study we focus particularly on conceptualizing place-based processes emerging in the context of organized violence and environmental crime. In our approach, these are structural conditions produced by the Camorra and the state, to which local agencies, such as farmers, respond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reconsiders the nexus between the abundance of resources and the origins of Sicilian mafia by exploiting a new set of historical data at the municipal level on the Sicilian sulphur industry in the late nineteenth century, obtained from official reports of the Royal Corps of Mining Engineers. Our evidence confirms that sulphur favoured the rise of organized crime, as emphasized in the previous studies. However, we show that the impact of local production on mafia was smaller in the areas richest in sulphur. Moreover, mechanization in the extraction process was associated with lower incidence of mafia. Taken together, our findings suggest that larger lodes encouraged better and more orderly working conditions for the miners, possibly reducing physical and psychic strain and, consequently, their inclination to violence. In other words, the quality of working conditions affected the supply of violent individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mafia phenomenon in Italy has complex historical and social origins, forms and values that have evolved in relation to the change in the territorial contexts to which they belong. Among the possible diversifications, however, there is still the unanimous mysterious aspect of these forms of association, underlying the management of political power. It is the mystery of the origin of the mafia system that inspires this analysis. The hypothesis followed is that the mystery of power transpires from the anthropological-religious character of the most archaic of the mafia associations, the Calabrian 'ndrangheta, here taken as a model of observation in a philosophical-political sense, through a mimetic-symbolic hermeneutical perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Direct RNA sequencing offers the possibility to simultaneously identify canonical bases and epi-transcriptomic modifications in each single RNA molecule. Thus far, the development of computational methods has been hampered by the lack of biologically realistic training data that carries modification labels at molecular resolution. Here, we report on the synthesis of such samples and the development of a bespoke algorithm, mAFiA (m6A Finding Algorithm), that accurately detects single m6A nucleotides in both synthetic RNAs and natural mRNA on single read level. Our approach uncovers distinct modification patterns in single molecules that would appear identical at the ensemble level. Compared to existing methods, mAFiA also demonstrates improved accuracy in measuring site-level m6A stoichiometry in biological samples. Direct RNA-seq offers the possibility to identify RNA modifications on single molecules. Here, the authors report on the synthesis of biologically realistic training data and the development of mAFiA that accurately detects m6A on single read level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Computer und Recht is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The brothers Jorge and Alberto Sanchez-Cabezudo have a very important role in the leap in quality taken by Spanish series in the second decade of the twenty-first century. With referents such as The Sopranos (1999–2007) and The Wire (2002–08), they adapted film language and narrative style to television series with Crematorio (2011) and La Zona (The Zone) (2017–18). In this interview we talk specifically about Crematorio as a social and political critique of contemporary Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the effect of anti-corruption measures on female political empowerment. We exploit a measure that prescribes the dissolution of city councils for mafia infiltration, leading to an exogenous decrease in the level of corruption within local government. We find that the percentage of female councilors and aldermen elected after compulsory administrations, as well as the probability of a female mayor, sharply increases relative to the control group; the effect of the measure is decreasing over time. The evidence suggests that the most likely mechanism mediating the result relies on the reduction in the voter bias against women as policymakers rather than the (self-)selection of women (JEL D72, D78, J16, J71, I38). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]