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The paper reveals the topics and presents the main reports of the academic readings "The scientific heritage of Iwan-Svyatoslav Koropeckyj as a key to understanding the economic history and the prospects of the development of Ukraine", which took place on November 12, 2024 in Kyiv (using the Zoom platform), The organizers of the readings were the All-Ukrainian non-governmental organization "Ukrainian Association of International Economists" and the State Institution "Institute for Economics and Forecasting of the NAS of Ukraine". The purpose of the event was to foreground the scientific heritage of Iwan-Svyatoslav Koropeckyj (1921–2012) as an economist, historian, and economic systems researcher in the context of current problems of economic science and modern tasks of ensuring the resilience of Ukrainian economy. The following thematic areas were offered for reports and speeches: I.-S. Koropeckyj – an outstanding representative of Ukrainian scientific diaspora; comparative analysis of economic systems in the scientist's work; I.-S. Koropeckyj's contribution to the development of historical and economic science; analysis and assessment of the heritage of Ukrainian economic thought in the scientist's works; the theory of production location and its modern significance for solving the tasks of transforming the spatial development of Ukrainian economy; I.-S. Koropeckyj on the prerequisites and prospects of market reforms in Ukraine; Ukraine in the system of international economic relations: history and present; global trends in economic development and Ukraine’s prospects. The participants' attention was drawn to the issues of Soviet structural policy, its long-term consequences for the economy of Ukraine, as well as to ways to overcome them according to I.-S. Koropeckyj’s methodology; the potential of the scientist's economic ideas for the post-war reconstruction and development of Ukrainian economy; integration of Ukrainian historical and economic heritage into the European and global scientific context, etc. The participants of the event identified areas for further work on the study, popularization and practical application of the ideas of Ukrainian economist I.-S. Koropeckyj. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper estimates a knowledge production function to study the effects of local spillovers on the patenting activity and new innovation sales of Chinese firms during a period marked by rapid economic reform. We show that local spillovers expected to arise between co-located firms in related industries encourages firm innovation outcomes, especially among firms that diversify their core competencies into new related (versus unrelated) technological domains. Exploiting the gradual and spatially uneven economic transitioning process as a quasi-natural experiment, we find that the positive effects of relatedness on firm innovation are significantly larger in size following more intense market-oriented reforms. The results are potentially relevant for policy-makers in transitioning economies, highlighting for the first time the importance of firms' own diversification process and market-oriented reforms for encouraging innovation-enhancing technological related spillovers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In article the author considers a theme connected with an economic situation of Russia in transition from a planned economy to the market. The author notices, that on scale and complexity of solved problems process of the reforms which are carried out in the Russian Federation, has not equal. At the same time economic transformations should be spent in the extremely adverse conditions.

The article highlights the main debatable issues of President L. Kravchuk’s economic policy in the first years after the declaration of Ukraine’s independence. It was studied how the young state built its economic strategy on the remains of the destroyed Soviet system, while simultaneously trying to move away from its command and administrative component. The miscalculations of the government and the current President in particular are shown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The causes of diverging transition paths of (former) socialist economies are best understood through a framework centered on the differences in the composition of their working classes; in particular, the sizes of their respective potential reserve armies. An examination of the historical process of market reforms in socialist economies suggests that a sizable potential reserve army could give rise to a gradual approach to market transition. In contrast, a negligible potential reserve army could lead to either a shock therapy or a long impasse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The constitutional crisis of 1993 was one of the major turning points in the failed democratization of Russia and subsequent turn of the country towards personalist authoritarianism. The October 1993 conflict, as the crisis is commonly called in Russia, was driven by a strategic choice of priorities by Russia's political leadership during the post-Communist "triple transition". After the overthrow of the Communist regime in August 1991, Russian elites prioritized market reforms and sacrificed further democratization of the country for the sake of preserving the new political status quo. This choice, made at the expense of building new democratic institutions, greatly contributed to the clash between the plebiscitary legitimacy of President Boris Yeltsin and unconstrained legality of the parliament, which was resolved in a violent zero-sum game in October 1993. The new Russian constitution sought to drastically reduce institutional constraints to presidential power. Its approval paved the way to authoritarian regime building and served as a role model for other post-Soviet countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the Czech economic transition and aims to identify the determinants of unusually high and long-lasting public support for market reforms. The study is based on a unique combination of statistical analysis of survey data and oral history (interviews with reformers, managers etc.), which has enabled us to depict the views of the general public as well as of many people involved in decision-making processes on both macro and micro levels. These findings allow us to propose recommendations on how to gain and maintain public support for economic reforms. Above all, reformers must utilize the period of euphoria and communicate the individual steps of reform with the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reforms of the 90s in Russia aimed at transferring the economy to a market economy were carried out hastily, without considering national, geographical, and historical specifics. Nihilism in the economic, political, and legal spheres of society allowed the transfer of lucrative raw material industries into the hands of the oligarchs. Unprofitable industries fell into decline, which caused structural distortions in the economy. Thousands of cities and towns have disappeared, causing suffering for the people. In the 2000s, there was the centralization of power and rejection of reforms, the oligarchy merged with the state into financial and industrial groups. The consequence was the emergence of a parasitic form of criminal oligarchic capitalism, motivated to export capital from Russia. At the same time, in Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Poland, Czechoslovakia and the Baltic states, reforms and privatization followed a different path. Oligarchization stopped the economic development of Russia and intensified the negative consequences. About this in the paper.

This paper investigates the impact of the family business on illiquidity in an emerging market and how it evolves with regulatory changes. The study uses panel data multiple regression on a sample of 25,418 observations on 3,606 firms from India within nine years from 2006 to 2014. The study finds that family firms have significantly higher illiquidity compared to non-family firms. Moreover, family businesses have successfully resisted the institutional pressure to decrease illiquidity and have also defied these coercive pressures to increase the illiquidity of family businesses finally. The study also found heterogeneity in the behaviour of family businesses based on their ownership characteristics.

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study looks at educational inequality in China, a country that has greatly expanded access to education in recent decades. It uses a sequential logit model to study the changing impact of family background on educational transitions, comparing birth cohorts that completed their schooling during different stages of the market transition process. Data are derived from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS), a large and nationally representative household survey that provides detailed retrospective information. The findings show that educational inequality in reform-era China followed a pattern of maximally maintained inequality. Although educational expansion diminished disparities in obtaining basic education, inequality persisted or even increased in the more advanced levels, especially at the crucial transition to senior high school. Inequalities only started to decrease for the most recent cohorts, when higher-level transitions became almost universal among high-status groups. These findings can be explained by the nature of China's economic and educational policies, which heavily favoured urban residents and other privileged groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the agrarian reform of the 1990s in Russia. It is noted that its first version was developed by domestic agricultural scientists and was designed for the phased implementation of transformations for a period of at least 10 years. However, later, under pressure from Western experts, this project underwent significant adjustments, in accordance with which the market reform in the agrarian sector was carried out more radically and at a faster pace. It is shown that the main methods of market transformations in the countryside were price liberalization, denationalization and privatization of land, distribution of land shares to farmers, creation of a farmer's way of life, disaggregation of former collective agricultural enterprises, their transfer to market forms of work, etc. The author believes that basically these transformations in the countryside were carried out formally and did not achieve their true goal. The reformers' hopes for the economic success of farms also turned out to be untenable, since their real number was extremely small, and their actual role in agricultural production was scanty. More than half of all products of the agricultural sector were produced by subsidiary farms, which were significantly replenished by the peasants who lost their jobs. At the end of the article, it was concluded that the agrarian reform, conceived with the aim of significantly increasing the efficiency of agriculture, did not justify the hopes: the tasks set were not fulfilled, and it only actually ruined agriculture. Over the 10 years of market transformations, the area under crops has significantly decreased, the number of livestock has decreased, production has fallen by more than 50%, and the level of labor mechanization has decreased by about 33%. As a result of the market transformations in the 1990s, the agricultural industry of Russia in terms of its main indicators was thrown back 30–40 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Principals and superintendents operating in high-choice environments are often faced with enrollment challenges as they compete for students. This case study examines the experience of a principal at Crossroads Elementary—a high-performing, culturally responsive, and innovative traditional public school that struggles to retain many of its older students. Despite outperforming most elementary schools in New York City and seemingly doing "everything right," most of their older students transferred to charter school networks as they approach middle school. We discuss implications in terms of equity, ethics, community engagement, and planning in high-choice districts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Currently, it is a well-known fact that Russia represents a major player on the global energy market with massive fossil fuel reserves and also with a high dependence on energy exports. While in the recent years Russia was the world’s largest exporter of energy resources, ranking first in the global hierarchy of gas exports, second in oil exports and third in coal exports, the economic growth remained mainly driven by its “energy power”. That proved to be a major vulnerability of Russian economy, especially since its energy sector is still characterized by high corporate concentration and a lack of market mechanisms amid very low domestic prices, a high energy intensity and low efficiency with no real interest from the major stakeholders for the decarbonisations process. As the main development directions outlined in the Russian Energy Strategy 2035 have stated, large state-owned companies depend on government subsidies, and this substantial financial support is all the more vital, especially in the context of the COVID-19 crisis. The “2020 energy crisis” – how it is known in the scientific literature – was mainly triggered by the oil price war between Russia and Saudi Arabia (both being major actors within OPEC+) and proved to have an important negative effect for the Russian energy sector development. Taking into consideration that the pandemic induced the decline of global demand for oil and natural gas, this evolution heavily affected the export volume and revenues of Russian companies. Given the expected prolongation of its reciprocal sanction regime with the West, Russia depends on China's energy demand and financial support. Given all these trends, our paper aims to highlight that the COVID-19 crisis is fundamentally relevant to the Russian energy sector, a sector which is an important sector for the Russian Federation. Our methodology is based both on a quantitative analysis and on highlighting the economic effects, constraints, and “weak points” of the Russian energy sector in the modern realities of the „2020 crisis”.

CMEA evolution is considered using the concept of a life cycle. Entry into individual stages of the life cycle depends on the compliance of integration institutions with internal and external development factors of the participating countries, the ratio of integration and national identity. The CMEA analysis allows us to assess the dynamics of modern integration projects important for Russia. The main reasons for the collapse of the CMEA were the overestimation of the role of planned instruments and the underestimation of the role of monetary instruments, collective import substitution (autarky) and technological weakness, primarily the USSR, as a leader in the integration process. To modernize their industry, the CMEA countries, under conditions of detente, increased imports of equipment from Western countries. The country’s budget deficit arising in connection with the growth of external debt was forced to solve by raising prices for consumer goods and services, which caused social discontent. Delays in market reforms exacerbated the situation. The “perestroika” that began in 1985 in the USSR, brought about drastic changes in domestic and foreign policy and gave a “green light” to market transformations in CEE countries. Despite the failure, CMEA made a significant contribution to the development of global regionalization processes. It was part of the bipolar world order and supported strategic stability in the world, contributed to the improvement of European integration institutions, especially in terms of planning the integration process and creating mechanisms for converging the levels of development and welfare of the participating countries. The CMEA experience has shown that in order to meet the growing complexity of the international economic, it is necessary to create the corresponding integration and national institutions of the participating countries. The central issue of the effectiveness of integration is the acquisition by the participating countries of such specialization, not only within the framework of the integration association, but also of the global economy as a whole, which will ensure their sustainable income. In the course of evolution, modern integration associations will change functions and institutions, the composition of participants, enter into larger alliances, but are unlikely to disappear from the world economy as CMEA.

Do voters punish left‐wing parties that pursue neo‐liberal policies? We address the question in the context of post‐communist countries, where the left implemented significant and painful market‐oriented reforms. For the left, owning these reforms means backing away from its popular image and policy platform and plausibly generates two electorally consequential outcomes: a 'brand dilution' effect that weakens voters' attachment to left parties and is magnified by the economic vulnerability of the left's core constituency; and an 'expectations effect' that increases demand for right‐wing politicians. Overall, the left should lose votes, particularly when voters can easily attribute responsibility for policies. Our analysis uses updated data on the vote shares for all parties and elections in post‐communist democracies from 1991 to 2010. We find support for the theory: Incumbent left‐wing parties of the chief executive are punished at the ballot box for moving to the right on economic policy. This, likely, comes from a 'brand dilution' effect, as we find that such vote losses feed the fortunes of non‐incumbent left‐wing and populist parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In developing markets, new regulations are imposed to protect investors, to assure fairness and to enhance trust through controlling all types of market abuse. In addition, these regulations are imposed to enhance the overall market performance and efficiency. Market liquidity is one of the main pillars used to measure market overall performance. In this paper, the authors attempt to analyze market liquidity before and after the passage of the Capital Market Authority Law of 2010 (CMA), aimed at enhancing investors’ confidence and reinforcing better disclosure quality and accountability for Kuwait public companies. By introducing six liquidity measures that captures market depth, turnover, and volatility, the authors documented highly significant deterioration in all the measures following the CMA Law with more profound effect on smaller firms. The researchers concluded that overstated regulations in developing markets, in spite of its goal of improving market overall performance, structure, enhancing investors’ protection, and market integrity, can have an adverse effect on market efficiency.

Copyright of Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política is the property of Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

China became the world's second largest liquefied natural gas (LNG) importer in 2018 but has faced extremely high import costs due to a lack of bargaining power. Assessments of the Shanghai LNG Price Index, first released in 2015, are vital for improving the understanding of these cost dynamics. This paper, using the LNG price index data from the Shanghai Petroleum and Gas Exchange (SHPGX) coupled with domestic and international LNG prices from July 1, 2015 to December 31, 2018, estimates several econometric models to evaluate the long-term and short-term equilibriums of the Shanghai LNG Price Index, the responses to market information shocks and the leading or lagging relationships with LNG and alternative energy prices from other agencies. The results show that the LNG price index of the SHPGX has already exhibited a long-term equilibrium and short-term adjustment mechanisms to reflect the average price level and market movements, but the market information transparency and price discovery efficiency of the index are still inadequate. China's LNG market is still relatively independent of other natural gas markets, and marketization reforms are under way in China. The influence of the SHPGX LNG price index on the trading decisions of market participants is expected to improve with further development of China's LNG reforms, the formation of a natural gas entry-exit system, and the increasing liquidity of the hub. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article studies the transformation processes of personal subsidiary household plots held by the rural population of Russia during the time that followed the beginning of market reforms. Based on the critical interpretation of the data provided by the two All-Russian agricultural censuses, changes in the scale of activity, in the volume of production, and in the specialization of personal subsidiary household plots in different regions of Siberia are identified over the period 2006–2016. In order to study individual local cases, material from in-depth interviews obtained from heads and specialists of rural administrations, as well as from members of family farms in Tomsk, Tyumen, and Novosibirsk oblasts, is used. The author compares the results obtained by a quantitative analysis of the statistical data and conclusions following from a qualitative sociological study of local cases, not only from the standpoint of identifying the long-term trends but also possible information distortions of an institutional nature. As the basic hypothesis of the study, we assume the absence of a common trend for all regions characterizing the processes of the transformation of personal subsidiary household plots and the significant influence of the agrarian policy pursued by the state and local authorities, as well as the specific local factors. The conclusions drawn by the author generally confirm this hypothesis. In the quarter of a century since the start of market reforms, the sector of rural subsidiary household farming has undergone significant changes. On the one hand, its volumes have noticeably decreased, and it has lost its former leading position in the production structure. On the other hand, it has become more diverse and is represented by a spectrum from a small family garden to a mini-farm using hired labor. At the same time, in certain cases, state support can lead to a deterioration in the economic situation of family farms. Qualitative conclusions of the study can be useful for substantiating measures aimed at sustainable development of rural areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1914, the New South Wales (NSW) Government decided to alter its fisheries policy, with the development of an offshore trawling industry supplanting support for inshore fishing as its key development objective. Accordingly, between 1915 and 1923 the NSW Government operated a commercial trawling industry designed to fish previously unexploited fish stocks on the state's continental shelf. The State Trawling Industry (STI) was designed to meet a mix of social and economic policy goals, with the NSW Government controlling all parts of the production line from catching to selling produce. This article examines the business structure of the enterprise to reveal the reasons for its economic failure. It argues that government entrepreneurship created a new consumer market and unintentionally paved the way for the rise of a modern private trawling industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Yearbook of the Faculty of Political Sciences / Godisnjak Fakultet Politickih Nauka Beograd is the property of University of Belgrade, Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, we investigate the perceptions of various stakeholders in relation to the benefits stated in the new capital markets authority law (CMAL) to be achieved when Kuwait Stock Exchange (KSE) is demutualized. We use a survey questionnaire to solicit their agreement on the achievement of specific benefits after six years of activation. Factor analysis was used to extract four new constructs from the collected responses. Market harmony is the construct elected to be the independent variable affecting three dependent variables: stability, corporate governance and attractiveness variables. The results indicate that the different stakeholders have the same perception that privatization of KSE will lead to the achievement of all benefits promised. Furthermore, all three dependent variable are found to be significantly affected by market harmony. These results contradict with the results of an earlier study of the same research project on the relationship between firm performance and market reforms. We provide discussions of the results and further implications.

Following the global financial crisis in 2008, many countries have introduced economic and corporate reforms to assure fair markets and mitigate the risk of management misconduct. In this context, Kuwait has implemented two new major laws to restructure its capital markets and improve corporate governance. The two laws ere the Capital Market Authority Law (CMAL) and Kuwait Companies Law (KCL). In this paper, the authors sought answers to two questions: (1) has the performance of the listed companies changed in response to the enforcement of the laws? and (2) was there a direct influence of the laws on that change? The authors found some evidence of significant change in performance. Moreover, they provide evidence of KCL viability as a determinant of better performance. Interestingly, CMAL was found to be inadequate for improving firm performance. Implications and recommendations for further research are provided.

In the early 2000s Brazil, under the leadership of socialist administrations, embarked on an ambitious project to recapture the commanding heights of the economy, reverting the pro-market approach of the 1990s. However, in contrast to other Latin American countries that opted for re-nationalization of former state-owned enterprises (SOEs), Brazil did not, opting instead to rely on existing SOEs to implement the government’s objectives. Why was this the case? We answer this question by arguing that the institutional framework faced by Brazil’s 'Partido dos Trabalhadores' (PT) governments, together with the PT’s ideological inclinations and public opinion pressures, shaped their strategy of reliance on SOEs. Specifically, the PT governments in Brazil faced significant institutional limitations, which, together with a sympathetic public opinion, made the use of existing SOEs, rather than re-nationalizations, the best available vehicle for the pursuit of ideological goals.

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Management & Economics Research is the property of Journal of Management & Economics Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1947, Act No 10.980 was passed creating the Public Transportation Administration of Montevideo (AMDET) to provide public transportation to Montevideo. Throughout its history, the management of AMDET was presented with many difficulties in addition to delivering negative economic results. After the coup d'état of June 1973, and within the framework of neoliberal policies, the Uruguayan government undertakes a reform of the state apparatus. In the case of the municipality of Montevideo, the reform is to get rid of the AMDET, and for this, the cooperativization of the workers is proposed as an alternative to the loss of their source of work. This will be substantialized through Resolution No 37.588 of 1974 of the Municipal Government of Montevideo. It establishes the bases of the cooperativization that provides, among other things, the granting of the concession of the service to the cooperatives and the sale of the units of transportation that must be paid by the cooperatives. The process of privatization of AMDET allows us to reflect on the role of the State in the promotion of cooperatives. We seek to understand why the State opts for cooperatives to carry out its policies and how these conditions the subsequent development of the cooperative. We analyze the program of privatization of public transport in Montevideo under the figure of worker cooperatives. We are interested in understanding the reasons of the public policy and to what extent it responds to the intention to promote cooperativism or is the product exclusively of the attempt to reduce the State. As working methodology, the analysis of the cycle of public policies was used, and for that, it was based on the survey of documentary sources (regulations and documents of the municipality), interviews with qualified informants and press releases of the time. This analysis shows that cooperativization responds more to a political use by the municipal authorities to reform the State in the framework of market reforms than to a policy of promoting cooperativism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]