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The article focuses on the non-juridical aspects of sovereignty, delving into the cultural productions in Pakistan and Oman. It mentions how mediatized state and Taliban productions in Pakistan, as well as Oman's heritage regime, influence citizens' perceptions of the state, shape historical understanding, and impact the construction of national identity.

This article examines the role of trust in the age of mediatised politics. Authority, we suggest, can be successfully enacted despite the disrupted nature of the public sphere if both rational and moral trust are utilised to formulate validity claims. Drawing from Maarten A. Hajer's theorisation of authority in contemporary politics, we develop a model of how political actors and institutions as well as the media employ both rational and moral trust performances to generate authority. Analysing a Finnish case of controversial investigative journalism on defence intelligence, we show how the media in network governance need to critically evaluate the authority performances of political actors while at the same time enacting their own authority performances to retain their position within the governing network and to manufacture trust among networked publics. This volatile position can lead to situations where the media compete for authority with traditional political institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In view of the proliferation of alojamento local (short-term vacation rentals) in the major Portuguese cities of Lisbon and Porto, along with the recent transformation of the historic city centre neighbourhoods, this study explores the mediatized politics of place by analysing data sets resulting from different, but interconnected, discursive practices. At the level of governance, we examine how legislation has enabled and facilitated this transformation. We then explore the media coverage of the issues surrounding these recent changes. Finally, we focus on individual and collective stakeholder voices by analysing the various rights claims and arguments found in social media communication channels. Framing our analysis initially in Lefebvre's concept of 'the right to the city', often invoked as an argument for the promotion of justice, inclusion and sustainability in the face of urbanisation policies, we argue that a 'rights in the city' approach is better suited to gaining insight into the multiple tensions and conflicts brought about through the interlinking processes of regeneration, gentrification and touristification that affect neighbourhoods with high proportions of short-term rental accommodation, and conclude that there are many rights claimants within a seemingly unified group of stakeholders, invoking rights claims which are sometimes overlapping, but often conflicting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tour guides can transform tourist experiences. This is particularly evident in TV-series themed tours where tourists' expectations are more likely to be met if a guide leads them into different dimensions of space and time. Here, we develop a model of the multidimensional realities of mediatized places by applying grounded theory, capturing how the transformative role of tour guides is key to the creation of memorable experiences. We illustrate how guides choreograph the shifts between multidimensional realities (past, present, fantasy world). Finally, we show that this switching between multidimensional realities has significant implications, specifically resulting in greater tourist involvement and in experiences that are remembered as having been beyond expectations. Our findings reveal the importance of detailed knowledge – of both the relevant fiction and local history – in crafting memorable experiences; highlights the skills required to build trust among participants, and discusses the devices used to cross the boundaries between multidimensional realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Mediatization of politics reaches its maximum expression with electoral campaigns, in which political actors strive to launch their persuasive messages to the public, in order to reach and, ultimately, convince the voters. This article aims to analyze the political discourse in the electoral debates televised during the 2015 Spanish Presidential Elections. The objective of the analysis is to observe which topics stood out during the political actors' interventions and to determine if mediatization affects the content of the electoral debates, or if, on the contrary, these spaces remain as forums for the detailed discussion of various public policy issues. For this purpose, we propose an analysis of content based on seventy categories of analysis, grouped in four blocks: policy issues, political issues, campaign issues and personal issues. The results clearly indicate that sectoral policy matters control the political discourse; therefore, electoral debates, despite the reach of mediatization, still constitute spaces for detailed exposition and the confrontation of public policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This editorial introduces a thematic issue on "Rethinking Media and Social Space". By critically rethinking the relationship between media and social space this issue takes initial steps towards ensuring that media studies is appropriate for a mediatized world. Contemporary societies are permeated by media that play important roles in how people maneuver and position themselves in the social world. Yet, analyses of media-related social change too often fail to engage with the complex and situated nature of power relations. This editorial highlights three enduring problems: (1) the annihilation of the socially structured and structuring role of media technologies and practices; (2) the conflation of inherent social capacities of media technologies and discourses with existing mediations of power, and (3) the reduction of social space to one predominant dimension which overshadows all other forms of social power that media technologies, discourses, and practices are part of. As a response to these problems--and in bringing together the arguments of the five articles included in the thematic issue--this editorial calls for sociologized approaches to media technologies, discourses, and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we examine how the Islamic State utilises direct quotations from prominent politicians, State leaders, authors and terrorism experts to position itself as a competitive entity that threatens the existence, borders and security of established States. Analysing a column inDabiqentitled “In the Words of the Enemy” (published from July 2014 to August 2016), we establish that the Islamic State conscripts “enemy” utterances to progressively project its own identifications of statehood, positioning itself as a viable alternative to existing nation states. Overall, this analysis enriches current research on the Islamic State and offers contributions towards both counterterrorism efforts and an understanding of non-state actors operating in an era of intense mediatisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In line with the European self-description of its borders as a space of “humanitarian securitization,” this article approaches the border as a network of mediations around migrants and refugees, where emotions of fear and empathy co-exist through digital connectivities—what we call the “mediatized border.” Drawing on media, security, and gender studies, we demonstrate how such techno-affective networks are constitutive of (rather than simply complementary to) the border as a hybrid site of both military protection and care for the vulnerable. We do this through hermeneutic and participatory engagements with the two main border sites of the 2015 migration “crisis,” Italy and Greece, and discuss their implications on our understanding of the power relationships of human mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Aggressive behavior is one of the most difficult social behaviors to define. The meaning of this concept depends on the theoretical perspective adopted. What is considered to be aggressive depends on the social and cultural standards of the perceptor. In some cultures violence is natural, even necessary. Explanations of aggressive behavior are part of two major classes: either biological or social. In the present study, the social factors of aggression are a matter of priority, in the sense that this behavior is learned. However, biological theories can not be ignored. In fact, violence is a reaction that concerns rather the body than the psychic. In some cultures, social norms repress any form of aggression. Therefore, the impulse is repressed until it breaks out violently and very badly. Aggressiveness is adaptive because it helps the individual to live at least until he can procreate. The research aims to identify the extent to which the effects of television violence (such as desensitization, catharsis effect, disinhibition or imitation) manifest themselves in the behavior that adolescents adopt within Romanian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Confession has for centuries been known as the queen of evidence. This paper examines an unusual type of confessions – ones that are made in public and out of court, the main target audience of which is not legal enforcement or court officers but the generic public. Operating in the margins of law, these confessions may make legal procedures redundant. Through analysing three recent public confessions from different jurisdictions that are mediatized and spectacularized, this paper asks what these confessions communicate, what motivations states have in staging them and how such confessions may be understood in relation to the modern communication environment today. In particular, I highlight narrative inconsistencies in these confessions and consider whether they affect their communicative functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The emerging global awareness of corruption in organizations and politics, ubiquitous in the media and public discourse in recent decades, has launched multiple ways of condemning corrupt phenomena. Every mode of condemning and critiquing corruption articulates a marginal zone of action and forms a boundary in relation to a specific notion of the common good. The different notions at stake in mediatized discourse on corruption render the social construction of corruption contested, ambiguous, and multifaceted. This article establishes an analytical framework, using ideas from Boltanski and Thévenot's On justification, Victor Turners theory of the liminal, and contemporary media theory. In this framework, the mediatization of corruption is analyzed as liminal, i.e. socially polluting and dangerous to the fabric of society, because corrupt actions represent transgression of the normal rules of conduct. As the media discloses such transgressions, processes of expulsion and discursive exclusion are triggered. In corruption scandals, corruption thereby discursively emerges as a shadow or a counterconcept of several different social orders, or several conceptions of the common good: As the dark side of the state, the law, economy, development, or other ordering principles of society. The multiplicity of concepts and the possible consequences of such multiplicity are explored here as a struggle between co-existing social orders or polities. Casting administrative or organizational practices as corrupt in the media, the polities struggle for boundary control of society through different modes of condemning corruption, and thereby shape public discourse and political reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Influenced by the call for ‘non-media-centric media studies’, and based on interviews with transnational professionals and forced migrants, this article scrutinises transnational identifications under mediatised conditions. With the point of departure in space/mobility and everyday life practices – the common denominators in the perspectives of transnationalism and mediatisation – the analysis shows that mediated deterritorialisation is conditional due to migrants’ sociocultural resources and earlier life experiences. Hence, experiences of war and conflict may reduce the potential of mediated mobilities. The article demonstrates how media are an integrated part of migrants’ multiple identifications with the city they reside in and their country of origin. Besides establishing multiple identifications, the article shows how these identities are linked to particular contexts, practices and socialities in the migrants’ everyday lives. The conclusion is that mediatisation and transnationalism are complex matters yet a transdisciplinary, contextual and ‘non-media-centric’ approach seems to be a promising way to grasp these complexities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Abstract: The articles in this volume discuss identity projects that unfold through the communicative activities of organizational employees (journalists, teachers, lawyers, etc.). These activities are organized in each case by specific protocols of communication whereby categories of personnel (or organizational wage-labor) describe and address target populations through emblems linking specific languages and cultures to each other, to those they address, and to populations elsewhere. The localespecific vividness of these emblems and their indexical selectivity for target populations (whose purposes they appear to serve) tend to obscure the mediatized practices that give rise to them, and the uptake formulations that recycle them. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article focuses on the invasion of public sphere by the private sphere through the concept of mediatization in Africa. It mentions the role of media and the political concepts, and highlights mediatization regarding the views of lectures on the private lives by the politicians through the media. It also informs the development process which is affected by the political and the interactive programs among the individuals in the region.

Two concepts that have been used to describe the changes with regards to media and politics during the last fifty years are the concepts of mediation and mediatization. However, both these concepts are used more often than they are properly defined. Moreover, there is a lack of analysis of the process of mediatization, although the concept as such denotes a process. Thus the purpose of this article is to analyze the concepts of mediated and mediatized politics from a process-oriented perspective. The article argues that mediatization is a multidimensional and inherently process-oriented concept and that it is possible to make a distinction between four phases of mediatization. Each of these phases is analyzed. The conclusion is that as politics becomes increasingly mediatized, the important question no longer is related to the independence of the media from politics and society. The important question becomes the independence of politics and society from the media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two developments — the fragmentation of governance and the mediatization of politics — lead governmental organizations to engage in discursive and institutional competition. These new circumstances also drastically change the relationship of governmental organizations to clients, target groups and the citizenry as a whole. We empirically investigate these changes through a study of a privately funded community development organization in the Netherlands, the Neighbourhood Alliance. In this case, it is no longer the citizenry that articulates a public discourse, but a public discourse that, through the mediation of an institutional entrepreneur like the Neighbourhood Alliance, stipulates what type of participation is appropriate. This development raises the critical issue of the nature and mechanisms of democratic engagement in a fragmented, mediatized polity. Résumé Deux évolutions — la fragmentation de la gouvernance et la médiatisation de la politique — poussent les organismes gouvernementaux à une concurrence symbolique. Ces contexte nouveau change aussi radicalement la relation de ces organismes avec les usagers, les groupes ciblés et les citoyens dans leur ensemble. Nous examinons ces transformations à travers une étude empirique d'une structure néerlandaise à fonds privés de développement de quartiers, Wijkalliantie (alliance de quartier). En l'occurrence, ce ne sont plus les habitants qui déclinent un discours public, mais un discours public qui, par le biais d'une entreprise institutionnelle comme l'alliance de quartier, spécifie le type de participation approprié. Cette évolution soulève la question cruciale de la nature et des mécanismes de l'engagement démocratique dans un fonctionnement politique fragmenté et médiatisé. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]