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This article is centered around the experiences of Afro-descendant men in the 1812-1813 period of the Mexican War of Independence as it occurred in the port-city of Veracruz and it Sotavento (Leeward) hinterland. It argues that Black men had complex, active, and essential roles in providing the backbone of regional royalist and insurgent armies. It pieces together the fragmented military and political agency of Veracruz's Afro-descendant men as reflected in published and unknown archival sources of the colonial and national archive, such as military reports and correspondence, constitutions, decrees, 19th Century published accounts, and a lengthy court case. This article sheds light on how Afro-descendant men were pushed to participate by their individual and collective needs, reacting to localized, and transatlantic, conditions that promised, or excluded them from, social, economic, and political advancement. By centering Veracruz's Afro-descendant men as instrumental players of the war, even in leadership roles, this article seeks to problematize traditional narratives of the struggle that negate and erase Black History in the Mexican struggle for liberation. This article also places their experiences within the backdrops of Atlantic World politics during the Age of Revolutions. It examines the ways by which they reacted to limiting frameworks of citizenship influenced by localized, and transatlantic, Anti-Black stereotypes and fears, along with the adoption of the 1812 Cádiz Charter. This article argues that these men found themselves amidst the paradox of being militarily wanted but politically rejected by nineteenth century Spanish colonialism. This led Afro-descendant men to seek new opportunities of belonging and empowerment, joining the insurgency to improve their sociopolitical status. This article seeks to humanize voiceless Afro-descendant historical actors placing them as essential players of Veracruz's, and the Greater Caribbean's, early-nineteenth century regional dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the complementary influence of elite politics, popular grievances, and central government weakness on rebellion. Efforts to strengthen the central state often come at the expense of the elite intermediaries charged with maintaining local political control. By driving a wedge between local elites and the central government, centralizing reforms can reduce intermediaries' willingness to repress mobilization, providing an opening for popular rebellion during both localized and national crises. For a given level of commoner grievance, revolts from below are thus more likely to be attempted and more likely to spread where elites' incentives to enforce order have been diminished. We formalize these ideas and provide supportive evidence using subnational data on rebellion, tax centralization, and drought in colonial Mexico from the late seventeenth century to the War of Independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dear Reader: The sound examples are intended as expressive emphases to the written text as much as demonstrations of its scholarly claims. Their relationship and the relationship of the interpolated [...]

Popular royalism has recently emerged as a growing field of research on both sides of the Atlantic. This paper aims to compare the popular political participation in royalist movements in Peninsular Spain, New Spain, New Granada and Venezuela during the crisis of the Spanish Monarchy and the wars of independence (1808-1826). I argue that popular royalism had a dual origin. On the one hand, it was linked to the "monarchical imaginary" of the Ancien Régime. On the other hand, it was deeply connected to the experience of civil war and the role played by slaves, Indians, artisans, labourers and other commoners in royalist militias and armed groups. The reasons to join the royalist side were not necessarily ideological but related to what these particular groups perceived as their own interests. Thus, popular royalism was a political strategy of pursuing their claims and achieving specific benefits in exchange for military service, such as a reduction of the tribute, the concession of freedom, jurisdictional privileges or a salary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on indigenous people of Mexico and documentation dealing with them has almost always been generated by the public administration, the Church or by people who they belong to more privileged social strata. It mentions the indigenous they approach the civil or ecclesiastical authorities and transforming their cultural values ​​in that struggle. It also mentions Mexican wars of Independence and the Mexican Revolution.

The article focuses on construction of a historiography and Mexican history in the 20th century. It mentions patriotics of the Mexican twentieth century paid greater attention in the heroic aspects of the wars of independence, of reform and French intervention, and of the revolution of 1910. It also mentions the historiography on independence and discusses the administration of President Anastasio Bustamante and his secretary of Relations Lucas Alamán.

The article focuses on modest and limited balance of the independence historiography published in periodical "Historia Mexicana." It mentions interpretation of Mexican independence attending to the thematic and stylistic variations and Mexican independence process in particular, but also to the Hispanic American in general. It also mentions peculiar independence production of these seven decades of Mexican History.

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Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to analyze the origin of the "Chinacos", and from there know the visual construction of this character in lithography and painting in our country. After this iconic approach, we will analyze the image that was taken of this one in Europe, specifically in France through the newspapers Le Charivari and Le Monde Illustré, and in the loose lithographs that were printed in the city of Epinal. The theme and meaning of each of these sources allows us to observe different conceptions of the character in question. The Mexican perspective provides the possibility to know in detail some aspects of his clothing. For their part, the representations from Le Monde Illustré and Epinal show us a worthy version of the Mexican guerrilla, as well as his skills in combat; Le Charivari, for his part, following his line of burlesque caricatures and editorials, gave his readers a ridiculous stereotype, but not to make fun of him, but to make fun of him, but of the alleged cultural bond between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on images and artistic representations of the nineteenth-century Chinacos, the name given to the Mexican liberal guerrillas during the War of Independence, the war against the U.S. and the intervention. The act of coloring brings to life images that are old and forgotten in albums and books.

The article presents a brief note on the life of Maria Ignacia Rodriguez de Velasco and Osorio (1778-1850), also known as "la Guera Rodriguez," who was a Criolla figure in the society of Mexico City, Mexico, and a proponent of Mexican independence from Spain. Her fame broke out during the bicentennial of independence with repositions and reprints.

Copyright of Procesos Historicos is the property of Universidad de Los Andes (Venezuela) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the application of the technique and craft skills necessary for the manufacture of weapons during the first two years of the insurgent movement in New Spain. In this first stage the insurgents in different latitudes rushed to melt all metallic material of the daily life that they found in their step to satisfy the new conditions of war, from bells of churches to pots and pans, with the only objective to compose their First bronze guns thanks to the help of characters who had previously had access to the war culture, and even, due to the lack of necessary supplies began to develop curious artillery devices in wood. The central argument of this text is that in war technology is catalyzing itself. Approach that shows a recent line of investigation that enriches the historiography about the independence of Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Procesos Historicos is the property of Universidad de Los Andes (Venezuela) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper proposes a conceptualisation of the main modalities of historical consciousness in Mexican historiography during the nineteenth century. These modalities are based on the analysis of different overarching historical narratives that were intended to produce a new national identity after the War of Independence (1810-1821). These narratives disclose different notions about the utility of historical knowledge and the relationship between past and present. Consequently, in the first place it is presented a brief discussion of the interaction between the concepts of historical consciousness and national identity. Secondly a succinct historical background of the Colonial period is provided. Finally, through the examination of specific historical works and authors, the three modalities of historical consciousness that have been identified are presented; the past as will, the past as experience and the past as memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the study on archival records to determine the site of the 1813 Battle of Medina in Texas. The exact location of the battle is reportedly unknown which is the bloodiest battle in the state's history. An overview of the Battle of Medina is provided which was part of the Mexican War of Independence against Spain in Mexico. Other topics include the trails and positions or Republicans and Royalists and the diary of surveyor and mapmaker Juan Pedro Walker.

This article discusses the history of provincial governments of the states of Mexico, with a particular focus on the first half of the 19th century. The author comments on the influence of the country's independence from Spain in 1820 and provides a comparative analysis of the governments of Mexico and Spain at the time.

The article offers information on several articles published in the previous issue of the periodical. Topics discussed include collection of semi-pro baseball player and umpire Manuel Castro related to baseball, Mexico gaining independence from Spain in 1821 and collection of Eligio "Kika" de la Garza that cover agriculture, rural economic development, social programs, education, civil rights and health care.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including the impact of the 1985 earthquake in Mexico City, Mexico, the process of independence of Mexico, and a list of jobs in the New Kingdom of Granada from circa 1787.

This article studies Mexico's First Federal Republic from a transnational, biographical perspective. Using the example of the Spanish émigré, Ramón Ceruti, it argues that transatlantic links between Spanish and Mexican liberalism should be understood not just in conceptual but also careerist terms. It revisits the image of the traitor in Mexican historiography and Spain's liberal revolution, by showing how the personalism and opportunism rife in early Mexican and Spanish liberalism shaped not only political ideology but also tactics to a remarkable degree. It shows that the popular memory of individual political actions influenced liberal discourse to a larger degree than is usually acknowledged. It does this by tracing the transatlantic radical, nativist and then conservative career of Ramón Ceruti over the fifteen years between the fall of Spain's trienio constitucional, Mexico's First Federal Republic and his betrayal of radicalism during the First Carlist War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses history of colonization and projects related to it in Mariana Islands in 19th century. Various topics discussed include radicalization of penitentiary colonies, communication among viceroyal authorities, independence struggles in Mexico between 1820-1821, and political confinement.

This article discusses the life and work of Mexican historian Silvio Zavala, with a particular focus on his career as director of the Museo Nacional de Historia (National History Museum) in Mexico. The author comments on the exhibits and other commemorations relating to the Mexican movement for independence from 1810-1821 as overseen by Zavala.

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article takes as its starting point the striking juxtaposition of the commemorative activities of 2010 surrounding the celebrations of the bicentenary of the struggle for Independence and the centenary of the outbreak of revolution and the circulation of atrocity images charting the so-called ‘War on drugs’ within the pages of Mexico's respected news weeklyProceso. It asks: how are we to understand the cultural moment that finds the proliferation of visual artefacts associated with the Bi/Centenary involved in the making palpable and present the intangible—namely the modernity of the nation—that sit alongside the severed heads and body parts in Mexico's current violent conflict? Whilst acknowledging the global flows of contemporary visual cultures, it argues that it is essential to locate the circulation of atrocity images within the context of the specificities of the Mexican media environment in which such images bear powerful forensic testimony. It is equally important explore how such images form part of a longer visual genealogy related to the meanings attached to iconoclasm in the colonial baroque imaginary. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Catholic Church, as a crucial part in the forging of the Mexican state, played a decisive role during the independence war of Mexico, assuming a determinate factor for the state. The church as an institution in training and strengthened by the materialized richness possessions expressed in land, brotherhoods, hospitals, schools and still more decisive way the affection and identification of individuals through the creed, allowed in the form of organization and action of the political power. His act governed by the principle of protection and maintenance of privileges to the middle and upper clergy, exercise that claiming take a position on the pretensions of those who formed the political - governmental apparatus, as a crucial understood for the establishment of the Mexican State and the permanence in politics. The reproduction and socialization of these ideas started an effort for establishing the identity and attachment between religious institutions and individuals; the object of the church with a spiritual purpose was well maintained, that is why the purpose to establish in the depths of an emerging nation, through religion did not go unnoticed. From the point of view of history, the church served as a link between the state power and the citizens. However, in the period of independence, liberalism and the bad situation of the state turned the church on a point of controversy concerning institution; because such was his influenced that reached the degree of causing loss of identity in individuals. The purpose of this work is to expose the role played by the Catholic Church in the consolidation of the Mexican State during the period 1810-1857, showing in a punctual manner some current aspects identified. That's the reason we will discuss the conflicts between the Catholic Church and the Mexican State, its effects and the importance of their convergence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the Spanish militia in Mexico City, Mexico, known as the Voluntarios de Fernando VII (Volunteers of Ferdinand VII). The author comments on the attempted coup d'etat that occurred on September 16, 1808, and the role that the militia had in quelling the uprising. He also considers the importance of the militia in maintaining public order under the Spanish monarchy. The eventual Mexican independence movement beginning in 1810 and the reaction of the militia is also examined.

This article will explore local Yucatecan politicking and the Yucatecan- Mexican relationship at the time of independence, using Yucatán's pronunciamiento for independence in September 1821 as a case study. This examination will highlight the fact that, while local ambitions played a significant role in Yucatán's bid for independence, this did not necessarily detract from Yucatecans' attempts to not only engage with national political movements, but also to unite with Mexico. This in turn will take further historians' recent attempts to revise the traditional perception of Yucatán as one of the more pro-autonomous and isolated states of early nineteenth-century Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The great novel by Fernández de Lizardi provides abundant and precise information about American Spanish at the time of the Independence, the Mexican one in particular. In this literary corpus historians may find sufficient data for a bulky descriptive monograph, and explicative, as well, of that important synchrony of our language in American land, with adequate documentation that phenomena considered by some people as recent, had already consolidated. The Pensador Mexicano provides the reader with images about the sociolinguistic diversity of his homeland, where successive novelistic situations are opposed, lower class language being occasionally characterized with formal profusion. The extreme normative, or modellic, duality present in that Mexico breaking off from the metropolis is thus manifested. We shall devote several articles to the study of this phenomenon, starting with this one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the spiritual communities of 18th and 19th century Sonora, Mexico, and their belief in deathways. The author examines the wills of Sonoran Catholics in regard to their burial practices and their beliefs of the afterlife, discusses the exchange of material goods and spiritual obligations that occurred in the region, and analyzes how the Bourbon Reforms and Mexico's independence movement impacted religion.

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article I analyze the development of historiography about the process of the independence of New Spain between the midnineteen fifties and mid-nineteen nineties. It was between 1953 and 1997, to be more precise, when new methodological foundations were created and various research areas transformed and largely relegated to a second level the so called classical historiography on independence. My main concern is to understand why historiographicai revisionism prevailed. To answer this question I consider the ever-changing relationship between the place, the procedure and the text. In this triad, the third element helps explain why revisionism is even today, in 2012, the main historiographical reference for research on the period 1808-1821. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the history of warfare in the largely indigenous Mixteca region in Oaxaca during the Mexican War of Independence. Paying special attention to the relation between royalist and insurgent armies and native Mixtecans, the article argues that in the years 1814 and 1815, warfare became a pervasive fact for people. Unlike people in other regions of Mexico, however, Mixtecans showed relatively little interest in the war's political and ideological stakes. Their engagement with modern Mexico's foundational war took place largely on the level of military violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of FIAR: Forum for Inter-American Research is the property of Forum for Inter-American Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Author-supplied Abstracts.)

Copyright of FIAR: Forum for Inter-American Research is the property of Forum for Inter-American Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Author-supplied Abstracts.)

The article presents an analysis of the letter titled "Exhorto a la obediencia del rey," written by Franciscan friar Cirilo Alameda y Brea in 1820, in order to discuss the position of the Franciscan order towards the Independence of Mexico at the beginning of the 19th century. Particular focus is given to the Franciscan educational institution Colegio Real y Pontificio de la Purísima Concepción de Celaya, located in Celaya, Mexico. Topics discussed include the political context of Cádiz, Spain, particularly the Cádiz Constitution of 1812, the historical role of king Fernando VII, and politics in Nueva España or New Spain, now modern day Mexico. A transcription of the document is also included.

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the career of Louisiana Territory governor General James Wilkinson. It examines his relations with Spain and Mexico, particularly commenting on Mexican independence. The author explores Wilkinson's relations with several individuals, including U.S. Vice President Aaron Burr, U.S. President Thomas Jefferson, and merchant Daniel Clark. He also comments on Wilkinson's secret loyalty oath to Spain and his negotiations with Louisiana governor Esteban Miró and Louisiana provincial intendant Martín Navarro.