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In 1925, rumors of an alleged international conspiracy to overthrow the state circulated in central-western Mexico. The reports prompted the country's newly created Departamento Confidencial (Confidential Department) to begin surveilling former rebels and zealous Catholics in the region, as well as political exiles in the American Southwest. This article explores how the intelligence services helped consolidate institutional power after the Mexican Revolution (1910–20). The investigations uncovered well-organized propaganda campaigns that centered on generating support, organization, and information. These networks originated abroad and circulated in the small hamlets, towns, and metropolitan centers of the region. The widespread rumors reflected what ordinary people thought was credible and socially conceivable, while also nourishing the belief among locals that a rebellion would breakout against the state. Ultimately, this type of surveillance transformed how the central state interacted with, and came to produce knowledge of, its citizenry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on meeting of the official delegations of Mexico and Guatemala in the Central American capital to address immigration issues in August 1932. It mentions diplomatic framework wanted by Mexico to start various actions of agrarian and migratory policy with respect to the Guatemalan population resident in the Chiapas border area. It also mentions agreements forged in Guatemala City did not change a border dynamics characterized by insecurity, arbitrariness of the authorities.

After the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920), the Mexican government sought to establish a series of frontier schools along the United States–Mexico border in an attempt to keep what officials believed were its most economically valuable citizens from migrating to the United States in search of improved economic and educational opportunities. This article examines the frontier schools in three Mexican states – Sonora, Chihuahua, and Coahuila – and four border cities – Nogales, Ciudad Juárez, Villa Acuña, and Piedras Negras. While each of these states and each of these cities had different relationships with both the Mexican federal government – which controlled the frontier schools – and their sister cities on the US side of the border, each of them demonstrates the ways that cross-border mobility increased the ability of Mexicans (and their Mexican-American extended families) to effectively pressure the Mexican federal government to provide the types of social services – in this case, expanded elementary schooling and co-curricular opportunities – that they desired. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the roles of sexuality, race, and internationalism in works by authors Langston Hughes and Claude McKay and motion picture director Sergei Eisenstein. It references the concept of queer futurity as developed by performance scholar José Esteban Muñoz. Details on Hughes' travels in Uzbekistan, Eisenstein's film "¡Que viva México!" and McKay's book "Amiable With Big Teeth: A Novel of the Love Affair Between the Communists and the Poor Black Sheep of Harlem" are presented.

This article examines the impact of Mexican eugenics on different programs relating to the family throughout the post‐Revolutionary period. It deals with how Mexican elites thought about the family and how these discussions delimited who should be part of or exist under the banner of "la gran familia mexicana". I discuss how eugenicists' debates regarding motherhood, puericulture, class, and different preventive health measures were intended to keep "undesirables"—or the people who, in their view, should not be part of "la gran familia mexicana"—at bay. I argue that science was used as a tool for implementing different eugenic plans that would make ideas of mestizaje and "rational mixing" into the modern Mexican nation. I argue that according to the Mexican Society of Eugenics (MSE), it was through the regulation of individual families and the acceptance of eugenic precept of self‐management and rational reproduction that the creation of the national family was to be crafted. Thus, the "gran familia mexicana" would become the organizing principle for both the individual and broader national dynamics in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines some important aspects of the history of science in Mexico. Topics discussed include the beginnings of the discipline of science in Mexico from the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries, the revival of the history of science after the revolutionary period in 1939, and the consolidation and institutionalization of the history of science.

This article challenges the widely held view that, during the Mexican Revolution, the Zapatista villages governed themselves with complete autonomy from the state and according to the pueblos' customary justice. It shows how Zapatistas in the multi-state region of south-central Mexico dealt with quarrels over small and medium-sized properties, the restitution of usurped pueblo lands and water resources, as well as village boundary disputes. They did so by blending nineteenth-century judicial procedures and civil law, limited but radical reforms to the existing judicial system and new forms of land and water management – all of which strengthened state authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article scrutinizes the results of the mission carried out by Edwin Walter Kemmerer in Mexico during 1917. Based on unpublished materials from his private archive, as well as other Mexican archives, this article analyses the process of approval, installation and implementation of the reforms introduced by Kemmerer's mission in Mexico. It is argued that Kemmerer's work as a financial advisor for Venustiano Carranza was not a total failure, as the existing literature on the subject claims. Indeed, on the eve of Great Depression, Mexico exhibited the main institutional features of 'Kemmererized' countries: a central bank, the gold standard and a centralized tax system. It is also suggested that the economic knowledge brought into the country by the money doctor moulded the ideological foundation of the new financial and economic elite of revolutionary Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of the article is to present the situation of Poland and Mexico in the years prior to the establishment of bilateral relations. It is reasonable to have a panorama of very particular conditions that determined the existence of these two countries at the beginning of the 1920s. As Poland reappeared on the political map of Europe it encountered significant difficulties in rebuilding its independent existence. These difficulties were both of an international and domestic dimension. The same can be said about Mexico that was entering the new chapter of its history after a bloody revolution that was aimed to change the domestic situation of the country. In this sense, at the beginning of the 1920s both nations can be described as "Nations reborn". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While in the thick of a revolutionary maelstrom, Mexico was the setting for animated debates centered on the direct implications that World War I might have on the nation's future. Although its study has been largely ignored, analysis of the Great War is crucial for understanding Mexican thought during and after the conflict. In addition to offering a historiographical assessment, this work elaborates the scenes of said debates, identifies their most decisive moment during the year 1917, and analyzes their evolution in three of their principle forums: the press, the Legislative Branch, and student assemblies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Bulletin of Medical History is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the Constitution of 1917 of Mexico in the context of the Mexican Revolution. The author comments on the political and social situation at the time of the construction of the constitution and describes the role of major figures, particularly President Venustiano Carranza. A comparison to previous Mexican constitutions is also provided.

This article discusses the Mexican Constitution of 1917 on the occasion of its 100th anniversary. The author comments on the role of Venustiano Carranza, a major figure in the Mexican Revolution and president from 1917-1920. An introduction to the following section of articles is also provided, which focus on the Constitution of 1917.

In this article, we will analyze the transformation of the educational system which led to the reform of 1930 in Mexico, as well as its impact on the homogenization and integration of the native people in order to build a national identity. This educational reformation however failed due to changes made by Avila Camacho, the Church's reaction, and conservative elements opposing liberal education. The only aspect that remains is the homogenizing role of education which has caused inequality, poverty, and exclusion. We propose to rescue an intercultural education which allows social integration in diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During 1924 the Nave Italia visited every Latin American city with a significant Italian community. This ship carried industrial and artisanal products, and numerous artworks by commercially successful but aesthetically conservative Italian artists. The Italia aimed to establish commercial partnerships with the emerging markets of Latin America, and to extend the political influence of Italy across the Atlantic. To do so, the organizers emphasized the concept of latinità, suggesting a common heritage shared by Italy and Latin America. This paper analyzes the artistic content of the Italia and how it manifested the ambiguities of Fascism's project of cultural colonization of Latin America. While most visitors of the Italia did not notice any anticipations of Fascism in the artworks on view, the Mexican Muralists did. I argue that their violent reaction towards the art on the Italia indicates the presence of embedded traces of Fascism in the apparently inoffensive aesthetic of the decorative objects and artworks sent to Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lusitania Sacra is the property of Universidade Catolica Portuguesa, Centro de Estudos de Historia Religiosa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores the history of historical preservation and cultural heritage in Mexico. The author reflects on the cultural impact of anthropologist Manuel Gamio and painter Diego Rivera. Emphasis is given to topics such as the political aspects of applied anthropology and archaeology, government patronage for mural painting, and the assimilation of indigenous culture.

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the global travels and anti-colonial thought of the Indian revolutionary Manabendra Nath Roy. It focuses particularly on his little explored stay in revolutionary Mexico, where he became a founder of the Mexican Communist Party in 1919. Drawing on archival sources from various countries and Roy's own writings, the article situates Roy's exploits somewhere between a global anti-colonialism, transnational solidarity and diasporic nationalism. It explores particularly the possibilities and the limits of an image of Asia and Latin America as regions united in their oppression by imperialism, and warranting shared anti-colonial strategies in the framework of international Communism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the social, political, and economic impact of road building in Mexico during the Second World War and early Cold War years. It examines the evolution of federal road-building policy alongside regional case studies of construction efforts in the states of Veracruz and Nuevo León to highlight how local politics were influenced by broader transnational processes related to the U.S.-Mexico bilateral relationship. The author argues that road building was an essential component of Mexican economic modernisation in the 1940s and early 1950s, which facilitated new rural-urban market connections and established the development of key commercial industries in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses political violence in the province of Michoacán, Mexico, in the 1920s, highlighting the involvement of intellectuals in particular. The authors seek to use this example to illustrate the state-building process in Mexico after the revolution of the 1910s, especially as it applied to rural areas and village communities. Aspects considered in detail include the peasant intellectual Primo Tapia, support for and opposition to land reform, and the ideology of the "agrarismo" social movement.

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article reexamines the anti-Chinese movement in Mexico through a discussion of a failed anti-Chinese campaign in Baja California. It argues that Chinese migrants organized in the face of Sinophobic aggression and that the national and international implications of anti-Chinese violence forced diplomats and government officials to grapple with Chinese demands for equal treatment in the U.S.-Mexico borderlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920), an ambitious project of national reconstruction began in which education and health were two priorities in the consolidation of a new nation. In this context of social, cultural, and political transformation, mental hygiene was a field that made it possible to articulate the professional practice of psychiatrists with the project of the nation promoted by postrevolutionary governments. In Mexico, the mental hygiene movement was headed by the same doctors who professionalized the practice of psychiatry and made it a specialized field of knowledge. The first generation of psychiatrists managed to integrate mental hygiene into health and education policies during the socialist administration of president Lázaro Cárdenas; a phenomenon that made evident the articulation between mental hygiene, social medicine, and nationalist discourse. Discussion will focus on proposals made from the perspective of mental hygiene as a function of two social sectors regarded as priorities by the Cárdenas government: children and workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reflections presented in this article include the process of incorporating women teachers into schools during the post-revolutionary period in Mexico. From one standpoint, women teachers lived in a state of ambiguity throughout this period because they were seen as symbols of national reconstruction following a war that left more than one million people dead. From another standpoint, they were victims of political and gender violence in a country that had not yet been pacified and was experiencing deep divisions between the armed Catholic groups that fought against the government. The process of the feminisation of Mexican teaching is approached through an analysis of the socio-professional conditions of rural teachers around the period of 1924 to 1945. There are a range of sources that were used for this research, including oral and documental. The collection of records of rural teachers from the Archivo Histórico de la Secretaría de Educación Pública are important in terms of a regional study that was done in the Valle del Mezquital as well as in a current national study. After reviewing over three thousand teacher files, I have been able to verify that many of these women were empowered and conscious of their significance in the national identity. They took advantage of the situation to obtain gender work benefits, which included equal wages to men, pregnancy leave regardless of marital status or age and uninterrupted contracts. This mobilisation by women teachers throughout the entire country was unprecedented in the professional history of Mexican women workers. These teachers fought many daily battles, both individually and collectively, to maintain their jobs, by writing letters to the head of the Rural School Department, sharing their stories and the injustices they experienced in their daily lives. Nonetheless, it is notable that for the first time, a collection of female voices can be found in the teacher files; these women did not want to keep quiet, and they reflect a desire to participate in social change for themselves and their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During the Mexican Revolution, male revolutionaries in Mexico repeatedly tried to suppress confession by invoking the trope of the sexually predatory priest menacing weak, superstitious women. Campaigns against the rite resulted from long-standing gender divisions over the Church, fears of Catholic counter-revolution, and male revolutionaries' drive to modernise marriage as companionate and secular but still patriarchal. Although ultimately unsuccessful as policy, attacks on the confession strengthened radical anticlericalism. By equating masculinity with reason, nation and progress while painting femininity as vulnerable, fanatical and potentially treasonous, the campaigns subtly shaped gender roles and helped to consolidate post-revolutionary patriarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses historical documents produced by children in Mexico from 1921 to 1940 in the years after the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920), such as letters, drawings, and writings. Particular focus is given to the views of children on the historical process Mexico was going through at that time. Topics discussed include the new concept of education brought about by the post-revolution government, political and social participation of Mexican children in that context, and cultural programs of the education bureau Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP).

Raúl Carrancá y Trujillo was a Mexican judge who experimented with ways of integrating psychoanalysis and criminology. He corresponded with Freud and Freud applauded his efforts. In 1940 Carrancá was assigned the case of Ramón Mercader, who was accused of assassinating León Trotsky, and he deployed his psycho-judicial techniques to investigate the unconscious motives behind the killing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay explores immigration and emigration policies and practices in Mexico during the early twentieth century, focusing especially on exploring how certain immigrant groups came to be defined as undesirable. Topics considered include the fact that Mexico did not begin to pass immigration laws until 1908, the majority of immigrants arriving in Mexico were ultimately bound for the U.S., mestizos and national identity, and public health issues posed by Asian immigrants.

This article proposes to reevaluate the contribution of Carlos Noriega Hope to the vanguardist movements in Mexico. From the newsroom of “El Universal Ilustrado,” a magazine that he directed for 15 years, Noriega Hope brought about the most important debates of the 1920s. The magazine that he edited not only gave visibility to writers such as Xavier Villaurutia, Salvador Novo, Arqueles Vela y Manuel Maples Arce, but also provided an irreverent tone toward the serious and a tone of admiration toward the newness that characterized the written principals associated with the era. In turn, “El Universal Ilustrado” can be read as a project that takes from vanguardism to create an audience and to remain commercially relevant. To think of the newsroom as a mixed space allows us to consider the magazine as a product in which creative interests come together as pragmatists, and where different visions coexist from what constitutes Mexican modernity. The literary vanguardists, the nationalist speeches and the commercial necessities of journalism were inscribed weekly on the pages of “El Universal Ilustrado,” revealing a surprising complicity. [TRANSLATION]

Miguel Martínez Rendón (1891-1966) was an important cultural figure in post-revolutionary Mexico: writer, critic, editor. In this article, we explore the way in which his actions allow an understanding of the professionalization of the intellectual in the first half of the 20th century, as well as the specificity of the intellectual’s inevitable relation with the State of PNR-PRI. At the same time, some attention to the editorial project of the Bloque de Obreros Intelectuales (BOI; Block of Intellectual Workers) and of its journal Crisol, allows an archaeology of extremely varied interests in that time. Finally, Martínez Rendón’s activity as a promoter of the diffusion of literature by radio, allows an understanding of the always dangerous relationship between the incipient electrical space and the legal city. [TRANSLATION]

On May 25th 1923, General Alvaro Obregón, president of the United States of Mexico, received a letter from D.H. Dubrowsky, representative of the Russian Red Cross in America, New York-based. The Central Committee of that humanitarian organization thanked the government of Obregón for the aid offered by the Mexican people and government to the victims of the starvation the Volga region endured during the 1921-1923 period. The objective of the present article is to dust this extraordinary episode for being, in our opinion, the most outstanding prolegomenon in a process that ends with the establishment of the relations between Mexico and the Soviet Union, on August 2nd, 1924. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to describe everyday life in Guadalajara, Mexico, as it shifted toward modernization in the early 1930s. The author explains the transitions the region underwent during the previous decade with particular attention to national crises, such as the assassination of Mexican president Álvaro Obregón Salido in 1928, the government of president Plutarco Elías Calles and the Cristero War. International influences, such as the economic crisis of 1929, are also discussed. Primary sources including newspapers and literary sources are analyzed in order to provide an accurate account of everyday life in Guadalajara.