Search

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Faced with State inefficiency in housing provision, the occupation of the Cambridge Hotel, located on the outskirts of São Paulo’s city center, was used as a case study to identify possibilities in the struggle for social housing. The building, initially a hotel built in the 1950s, closed in 2002, was expropriated in 2011, and occupied by the Downtown Homeless Movement (Movimento Sem Teto do Centro) in 2012. The movement, after social tensions and participation in participatory councils, obtained the donation of the property and its license in a federal requalification program. Through qualitative analysis of the housing deficit in Brazil, characterized by the excessive burden of rents and the precariousness of real estate, in contrast to housing policies focused on the production of units through development programs in peripheral locations, it is understood that the analysis of the determining factors for the case study’s feasibility can contribute to the discussion of government policies and actions. The methodology, based on the procedural field, observational methods, and literature review in the logical field, was structured in dialectical and inductive methods for the research, systematization, and critical analysis of bibliographic and documentary references and, in empirical processes, in the qualitative analysis of semi-structured interviews and onsite visits. It was concluded that the power of dialogue and formation of the movement’s networks and its strategy, based on surrounding itself with actors that solidify its struggle, contributed to the viability of the Cambridge Hotel as a residential property. Based on the data analyzed, it is also argued that the participation of municipalities is undeniable in enabling the provision of housing in central areas. However, considering the hegemonic bias identified, the political action of social movements and the participation of academia in its instrumentalization are essential to strengthen the Capital-State relationship and enable the collation of territorial policies that the right to the city contemplates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I discuss ways of narrating a territory from the voices of the political-cultural collective Comunidade Cultural Quilombaque with the aim of analyzing how a counter-narrative disputes the meanings of the territory with the dominant narrative. I combine the literature on counter-narratives, which focuses on the construction of storylines that oppose dominant forms, and on public action, which is central to emphasizing the role of individuals, groups and movements in the construction of what is understood as public, to carry out the task of interpreting the ways in which actors mobilize to counter their narrative to the dominant discourse on the peripheral territory. I used in-depth interviews with the collective's leaders and the analysis of secondary material, which allowed me to read the ways in which the movement narrates itself. It is from another way of narrating their territory that they manage to bring out their potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of GeSec: Revista de Gestao e Secretariado is the property of Sindicato das Secretarias e Secretarios do Estado de Sao Paulo (SINSESP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

O texto discute a cidade e os problemas urbanos num contexto de crescimento demográfico marcado por sucessivos deslocamentos da população do campo para a cidade. Objetiva expor a dimensão dos conflitos e a incessante luta dos movimentos sociais por uma gestão urbana democrática. Reforma Urbana, Planejamento Participativo, Estatuto da Cidade remetem às lutas contidas na pauta política dos movimentos sociais que emergiram dentre os vários modos de perspectivas de gestão democrática da cidade e vinculam-se às relações antagônicas e contraditórias das classes sociais no contexto das relações capitalistas de produção. A participação popular na história recente da sociedade brasileira deu-se de forma compulsória. Era a sociedade reclamando direitos num contexto autoritário imposto pelo golpe de 1964. O forte caráter reivindicatório dos movimentos pautados no quadro de extrema carência, alcançou formas mais avançadas com greves e outras formas de pressão pela abertura de canais de interlocução para registro e negociação de seus anseios.

Neste texto, busco analisar os conflitos e as resistências que se estabelecem em torno da implantação de megaprojetos de desenvolvimento. Especificamente, procuro lançar luz sobre as lutas e as iniciativas alternativas empreendidas pelo Movimento #ocupeestelita na disputa de um espaço histórico e paisagístico, denominado Cais José Estelita, localizado em Recife-PE, alvo de um empreendimento imobiliário. Meu pressuposto é que estes acontecimentos geraram transformações e fizeram aflorar, a partir de atos insurgentes e criativos, novas experiências de gramáticas espaciais insurgentes e novas centralidades urbanas, alterando a direção dos fluxos comunicativos e, sobretudo, a posição e a identidade dos sujeitos interagentes. Para análise, recorro a uma pesquisa etnográfica realizada entre os anos de 2013 e 2017 que registrou e interpretou as ocupações, dinâmicas, discursos e formas de participação.

Following the April 25th 1974 revolution, a village in the municipality of Belmonte (Portugal) became the scene of a six-year conflict between a group of small-holder landowners joined by part of the community and a mining company. This article, result of a historical-anthropological study based on ethnographic work and archival research, revisits this socio-environmental conflict, examining the process of local collective mobilisation and the interactions between local and external actors. The motives behind collective mobilization against mining are examined in the context of the post-25th of April structural political transformation. The analysis explores how the post-revolutionary context and the memories of past environmental destruction fueled the villagers' repertoires and vocabularies of contention. Observing the Gaia conflict through the lens of the Revolution allows us to look at the revolutionary process from a micro-sociological perspective, showing the processes of political transformation after the 25th of April and the role of popular participation in the democratization of the country, as well as the institutional disputes over State control and the struggles around the implementation of different development models and policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deploys neo-Gramscian international relations theory to discuss how the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of our America (ALBA) can be understood as an attempted transnationalisation of the counter-hegemonic historical bloc of social forces that originated with Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution. The Bolivarian Revolution inaugurated a protagonistic National Constitution which sought to give a central role to civil society and social movements in political life, enfranchising unrepresented people, like indigenous communities. ALBA consists of an attempt to transnationalise this movement by providing a model of regionalization for Latin America that constitutes an alternative to the neoliberal approach embodied in other regionalisation initiatives, such as the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). However, the article argues that ALBA's success as a vehicle for the transnationalisation of counter-hegemony in Latin America has been severely compromised by emerging tensions and contradictions within the Bolivarian Revolution historical bloc, namely between the social movements and the central governments of ALBA's member countries. These contradictions become particularly evident when analysing social movements' struggles about the environmental impacts of massive infrastructure projects promoted by these governments as part of their overall national and regional strategy of economic development and poverty alleviation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper we present a categorization of autonomies implemented by indigenous and peasant movements in Latin America into three types: a) juridical versus de facto autonomies; b) explicit versus implicit autonomies; and c) (mono)ethnic versus popular or class-based autonomies. We argue that the debate concerning these different conceptions is of strategic importance both in the dialogue between indigenous and peasant struggles for the defense of territories, and in the question of peasant autonomy, understood as a strategy of struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Resumo: Este artigo aborda a disseminação de organizações chamadas de coletivos para além do campo dos movimentos sociais, um dos legados de Junho de 2013. A pesquisa qualitativa foi feita por meio da sistematização de informações de 725 coletivos com páginas em rede social e de 21 entrevistas com coletivos em Teresina (PI). Como resultados, o trabalho apresenta quatro tipos de coletivos (coletivos de artes, universitários, associações de ajuda mútua e grupos empresariais) que defendem relações mais inclusivas e horizontais, mostrando, então, um outro tipo de impacto de Junho de 2013.

Resumo: Este artigo discute as relações de gênero e os movimentos sociais referentes à inserção de mulheres trabalhadoras na luta por moradia no Rio Grande do Sul. Visa estudar tal organização política para reconhecer os impactos gerados frente à inacessibilidade de direitos. Foi realizado levantamento de dados através de reportagens publicadas entre 2016 e 2021. Então, busca-se compilar registros da luta cotidiana e apontar possíveis maneiras de contribuir para o seu fortalecimento.

Os anos 1990 e 2000 viram emergir no Brasil um vasto circuito e movimento que reuniam artistas, brincantes, devotos, pesquisadores, músicos etc. sob a égide das categorias culturas populares e tradicionais – algo que não se via desde a experiência do movimento folclórico e seus desdobramentos. Esse circuito mais contemporâneo era constituído por instituições, festivais, encontros, centros culturais e iniciativas diversas que trouxeram e reuniram, principalmente nos grandes centros urbanos brasileiros, a diversidade de experiências nomeadas agora não mais como folclore, mas culturas populares e tradicionais. Neste artigo, a proposta se volta para mapear parte desse contexto, atores sociais e instituições que permitiram a emergência do que entendo como um novo circuito das culturas populares e tradicionais.

Através da abordagem teórico-metodológica do ciclo de políticas proposto por Stephen J. Ball e colaboradores, este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar os contextos de influência e da produção de texto da política de Educação do Campo no Brasil, evidenciando avanços e desafios em relação à sua implementação. Desenvolveu-se uma pesquisa de abordagem qualitativa, na qual os dados foram produzidos por meio de uma pesquisa bibliográfica e da análise de documentos oficiais publicados pelo Ministério da Educação (MEC) e pelo Conselho Nacional de Educação (CNE), no período de 2001 a 2010. Os resultados apontam que a Educação do Campo vem sendo implementada a partir da participação dos movimentos sociais organizados, representando uma nova possibilidade de pensar a educação sob uma ótica que vai além da escolarização dos sujeitos, desenvolvida a partir de uma pedagogia crítica, vinculada a objetivos políticos de emancipação e de luta por justiça e igualdade social. Conclui-se que a regulamentação e institucionalização da Educação do Campo foram importantes para a sua sistematização e expansão. Contudo, é necessário avançar, estabelecendo coerência entre as proposições teórico-metodológicas apresentadas pelo Movimento da Educação do Campo e, destas, com as práticas desenvolvidas nas escolas do campo, de modo que os estudantes sejam atendidos em espaços educativos cujas propostas pedagógicas respeitem, reconheçam e valorizem as especificidades, singularidades, diversidade e tensões dos espaços camponeses.

O texto resulta de pesquisa bibliográfica e exploratória realizada em 2021. O tema proposto é a reflexão sobre o Movimento Estudantil como parte da formação dos sujeitos entrevistados. A pesquisa realizada considerou a bibliografia de movimentos sociais como base teórica, a história do movimento estudantil no Brasil, apontando articulações com outros países, e o levantamento, via formulário, de memórias de ex-estudantes da Universidade Federal do Mato Grosso do Sul (UFMS), sobre experiências vividas no movimento estudantil. Como resultado, as análises de conteúdo e crítica dos depoimentos nos permitem apontar permanências e mudanças nos repertórios de lutas estudantis, as demandas persistentes, como também inferir sobre a dimensão educadora do movimento estudantil.

Este artigo teórico/exploratório, originado de uma pesquisa doutoral, financiado pela Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES), vinculado à Rede Latinoamericana de Pesquisa em Educação do Campo, da Cidade & Movimentos Sociais (RedePECC&MS), teve por objetivo analisar, no pensamento social, como o discurso de líderes políticos brasileiros influentes estimulam o “ódio de classes” e o “ódio político”. O recorte temporal foi de janeiro de 2013 a outubro de 2020, período de difusão do marketing político digital por meio de plataformas como Facebook e Twitter. O corpus de análise foi constituído por 11 fragmentos discursivos de líderes de militância intensa, reconhecidos por sua trajetória em defesa dos direitos sociais, referências como representantes do “pensamento progressista”, influenciadores dos Movimentos Sociais e com grande visibilidade nos meios de comunicação. O resultado revelou como estímulos e aspectos semióticos sobre o “ódio de classes” se apresentavam de forma significativa nas falas do então Presidente da República, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, e ecoavam por diversos líderes e influenciadores, incorporando-se aos processos de educação informal.

Este relato apresenta minhas dificuldades e meus acertos, enquanto um educando em formação e posteriormente professor, partindo de minhas vivências em um curso Pré-Vestibular Popular. Fui estudante por dois anos, entre 2016 e 2017, e educador de 2019 a 2023. Ao refletir acerca de minhas aprendizagens com a educação popular e com os movimentos sociais, percebo que, mesmo em momentos de diversos ataques à educação pública e aos trabalhos de base, uma proposta de educação libertadora, além de imprescindível, é possível. O texto é um mergulho na minha memória como discente e docente. Este trabalho é vinculado à pesquisa Gabinete de Estudos e Pesquisas em Desenvolvimento Curricular, financiada pela FAPERJ, por meio da qual desenvolvo meus estudos teórico-práticos.

Resumo Este artigo analisa como o agronegócio coopta apoio entre os pequenos e médios agricultores a fim de construir e legitimar a sua hegemonia. Com o objetivo de apreender as relações estabelecidas com a classe média rural, objeto central deste estudo, foram entrevistados atores de diferentes grupos e classes do campo brasileiro. Os achados sugerem que a sua cooptação pode frustrar o projeto contra-hegemônico defendido pelos críticos do agronegócio, mas nem por isso essa classe constitui um objeto em disputa: se o agronegócio busca cooptá-la, o que não ocorre sem resistências, os movimentos sociais a negam, chamando-a de “agronegocinho”. Como resultado, tem-se uma conjuntura que é duplamente favorável ao agronegócio, uma vez que a demarcação de fronteiras entre os pequenos e médios agricultores não só favorece a cooptação da classe média rural pelo discurso hegemônico como contribui para o insulamento dos seus principais críticos e opositores.

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The social outbreak of 2019 caused a deep crisis in the Chilean political system, which political parties sought to solve by opening a constitutional change process through the Constitutional Convention. This institutional response appeared to indicate the outbreak had ended and that social movements and political parties acted separately. However, this article contends that both actors directly interacted, arguing that the Convention institutionally prolonged the social outbreak. To understand the scope and obstacles of the interaction between these actors, I conducted 45 interviews with members of the Constitutional Convention (convencionales) both party members and those coming from the social movements. By contrasting both perspectives, this article finds that the persistence of mutual distrust across members of the constitutional convention, along with the time constraints imposed by the institutional design of the process, hindered the construction of broad agreements. This study offers a detailed view of the internal dynamics of the Convention, contributing to the understanding of the interaction between activists and parties both at the institutional level and in the context of the Chilean social outbreak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When investigating social outbursts, the analysis tends to focus on social mobilization. Taking the case of the social outburst in Bolivia in 2019, this article instead explores the links between social movements and political parties, and their effect on electoral performance. Social movements played an important role in setting the scene for the outburst and in bringing the subsequent crisis to an end. Given their proximity in time, the 2019 and 2020 elections offer a singular opportunity to examine the electoral effect of social movements-political parties links in the context of social outburst. The article analyses four connections between social movements and political parties: Movimiento al Socialismo, Comunidad Ciudadana, Bolivia dice No and Creemos. It identifies and explores the qualitative differences among the linkages built in these four cases, which range from organic party, movement party to circumstantial alliances. These are related to the dissimilar electoral results while considering the political scenario in which they operate. The analysis suggests that the linking of political parties with social movements and civil society organizations has become a condition for electoral success in Bolivia, in a scenario in which social protest constitutes a conventional channel for political participation and articulation of citizen demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is the result of research carried out in rural education and pedagogy of alternation, in close articulation with social movements, in a historical and emancipatory perspective, developed in the PPGEA - Postgraduate Program in Agricultural Education, of UFRRJ - Universidade Federal Rural from Rio de Janeiro. Our main objective was to understand the construction process of the experiences of this Pedagogy of Alternation at the Escola Municipal de Agroecologia Vale do Tinguá, Nova Iguaçu, Rio de Janeiro, and its interfaces with human relations. The documental research was developed in bibliographic collections and interviews with the educators that work in the School. Among the sources of investigation, we used legislation, ordinances, decrees and theoretical references on Pedagogy of Alternation and rural education in social movements, in particular, Begnami (2004); Gimonet (2007); Freire (2002); Molina (2006) e Caldart (2012). The results show that rural education, in addition to constituting an immeasurable universe of wisdom in the area of Human and Social Sciences, contributes to the resistance of the oppressed class, considering that the traditional and plural knowledge of rural peoples were, for some reason, silenced, buried and forgotten, to the detriment of the interests of oppressive hegemonic capital. It is up to educators, students and social movements, in favor of the oppressed, to develop research that collaborates with the empowerment of the peasant working class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text is the result of bibliographical and exploratory research carried out in 2021. The proposed theme is the reflection on the Student Movement as part of the training of the interviewed subjects. The research carried out considered the bibliography of social movements as a theoretical basis, the history of the student movement in Brazil, pointing out articulations with other countries, and the survey, via form, of memories of former students of the Federal University of Mato Grosso do Sul (UFMS ), about experiences lived in the student movement. As a result, the analysis of the content and criticism of the testimonies allow us to point out continuities and changes in the repertoires of student struggles, the persistent demands, as well as inferring about the educational dimension of the student movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The media-based communication between social movements and other actors is relevant to achieve their goals. This article addresses the dynamic and contentious aspects of the mediabased communication generated by the Magallanes Social Movement and the Government of Chile. A quantitative analysis was made of 217 news and 499 quotations published during the events. The results indicate that the parties adopted differing communication strategies like making calls for action, talking positively about the own group, among others. Furthermore, the content of communications varied over time, but the strong relation between the communications issued and the occurrence of particular protest events suggests that while a communicational contest is certainly an interactive process, both camps do not just argue through the words, but also through the events that each camp organizes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an exploratory study, this article aims to present and analyze the editorial characteristics, as well as identify the main themes addressed by the newspaper Brasil de Fato, a printed publication that had national circulation between 2003 and 2015. Considered one of the main experiences in the field of popular communication at the beginning of the century XXI, due to its critical, combative and left-wing perspective, the aforementioned newspaper offered a decisive contribution to the dissemination and strengthening of social struggles in Brazil, dealing, among other topics, with the agendas, challenges and achievements of social movements and progressive governments in several Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the communication strategies of the Movement of Those Affected by the Alcântara Space Base in Maranhão, Brazil, through a case study that uses semi-structured interviews and documentary research. It mobilizes concepts of social movements, the Black movement, and quilombola. It addresses the specificities of ethnic territory and discusses the role of communication in strengthening citizenship and the Black press as a means of counterhegemony. The analysis shows that, despite difficulties, MABE confronts dominant narratives and seeks to transform power relations through autonomous and adaptive communication, inseparable from its militancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Linguagens, Educação e Sociedade (LES) is the property of Revista Linguagens, Educacao e Sociedade (LES) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, Niñez y Juventud is the property of Centro de Estudiso Avanzados en Ninez y Juventud alaianza Cinde, Universidad de Manizales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Discuto formas de narrar um território a partir das vozes do coletivo político-cultural Comunidade Cultural Quilombaque com o objetivo de analisar como uma contra-narrativa disputa os significados do território com a narrativa dominante. Articulo as literaturas sobre contra-narrativas, que foca na construção de enredos que se contrapõe às formas dominantes, e sobre ação pública, central para enfatizar o papel de indivíduos, grupos e movimentos na construção do que se entende como público, para cumprir com a tarefa de interpretar as formas pelas quais os atores se mobilizam para contrapor sua narrativa ao discurso dominante sobre o território periférico. Utilizei entrevistas em profundidade com lideranças do coletivo e da análise de material secundário com o qual foi possível ler as formas pelas quais o movimento se narra. É a partir de uma outra forma de narrar seu território que conseguem fazer emergir as potencialidades.

A revolução iniciada em abril de 1974 não garantiu automaticamente a igualdade de género e a não discriminação face à orientação sexual. Estas foram questões em que o tempo da revolução não coincidiu com as alterações legais e sociais que se prolongaram nas décadas seguintes. Mesmo com a participação de mulheres no processo revolucionário nos seus diferentes contextos, a ancestral subalternidade de género imposta pelo patriarcado permaneceu após a revolução e justificou a existência de um significativo movimento de mulheres e, posteriormente, um movimento LGBTI+ (Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Transgénero e Intersexo). A articulação entre os dois movimentos, a partir do final dos anos 1990, em ações partilhadas em torno da exigência da descriminalização do aborto, torna evidente as problemáticas e respostas comuns. Neste artigo procura-se ilustrar a decisiva influência de uma componente radical em ambos os movimentos a partir de 1974.

O artigo desponta da construção de um amplo panorama que localiza afinidades estruturais e tensões problemáticas entre a psicanálise e os coletivos. Nossa revisão de literatura, sobre psicanálise e política, discerne o valor da análise do psicanalista na sustentação da tarefa de subversões políticas do divã às praças públicas. Na sequência, pensamos as repercussões da política da psicanálise frente aos debates que envolvem neurodiversidade/autismo, cientificismo psicoterápico e capitalismo. Pretendemos criticar uma versão alienante da política, versão protagonista dos diferentes temas que abordamos e veiculada pelo agente na função do semblante - a lei, o saber-todo ou o indivíduo hedonista servo de seus mais-de-gozar (discurso capitalista). Na contrapartida dessa versão, está a prática advinda de um Judeu - ou seja, de um corpo que viveu os efeitos do racismo dos discursos, antes mesmo da ascensão do Nazismo - e elaborada através da escuta de algo amordaçado na potencialidade da sexualidade feminina. A partir de tais fatos, argumentamos uma crucial chave de leitura à psicanálise nos conflitos políticos: interrogar a subjetividade de quem psicanalisa. Resultando no questionamento de modalizações conservadoras que marcaram a história da clínica psicanalítica e ainda ressoam no fazer teórico-prático.

Resumo Este artigo discute duas diferentes fases de aclimatação do neoliberalismo como prática de governo das cidades no Brasil. A primeira, como progressismo neoliberal e a segunda, como gestão autoritária, austera e militarizada do colapso social. Na primeira parte, dialogo com os trabalhos de Dardot e Laval (2009 e 2016) e de Dardot et al. (2021), para inscrever o debate proposto na transição entre duas expressões do neoliberalismo, primeiro, como razão mundo ou racionalidade política e segundo, como estratégia de guerra. Na segunda parte, tais fases serão observadas a partir de recentes transformações nas práticas de governo das cidades, através da análise de alguns exemplos relacionados aos últimos programas de provisão habitacional e regularização fundiária vigentes no Brasil.

O presente trabalho versa sobre o Movimento de Cultura Popular (MCP), criado na cidade do Recife-PE, em 1960, inspirado pelo Movimento francês Peuple et Culture que tinha como objetivo central a emancipação do povo por meio da educação e da cultura. Com uma proposta educacional popular voltada principalmente para as comunidades carentes do Recife, o MCP começou a ser desenvolvido e também a desenvolver uma educação que buscava contextualizar os seus ensinamentos com os conhecimentos e práticas de vida de cada estudante. No decorrer do artigo, trazemos, primeiramente, a criação e o que foi o MCP. Abordamos também as fundamentações teóricas da educação popular, cultura popular e dos movimentos sociais. Por fim, trazemos a atuação do MCP nas comunidades periféricas do Recife, as metodologias desenvolvidas pelo Movimento e sua expansão. O artigo foi desenvolvido a partir de uma metodologia documental e bibliográfica.

O presente artigo tem como pretensão esboçar uma reconstituição histórica do processo de configuração do campo da educação popular no Brasil, compreendendo a sua trajetória e o seu desenvolvimento teórico-conceitual desde a década de 1950 até a contemporaneidade. Trata-se de um estudo de abordagem qualitativa, construído a partir de uma pesquisa bibliográfica com característica descritiva que se fundamentou na modalidade de revisão narrativa. Como resultado, caracterizam-se diferentes experiências e momentos históricos da educação popular no Brasil, a exemplo: a) da sua gênese ao processo de desarticulação de experiências; b) do acirramento da repressão decorrente da ditatura civil-militar ao espraiamento das práticas por diferentes setores; c) da eclosão de novas pautas à reinvenção do campo da educação popular; d) das conquistas políticas aos desafios institucionais. Em seguida, busca-se delinear uma possível caracterização do que vem a ser a educação popular em sua multiplicidade de perspectivas. Por fim, conclui-se que, para além da compreensão da educação popular como prática político-pedagógica, se sobressaem entendimentos dessa como teoria, campo de construção de conhecimentos, movimento organizado da sociedade civil e política pública.

Copyright of Revista de fontes is the property of Revista de fontes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article arises from different dialogues on the historicization of human rights in articulation with public policies and social movements. We understood necessary to make a historical journey that would allow us to look at the different axes of development that have had the Human Rights from the Virginia Declaration of Rights (adopted in 1776) through key moments such as the Industrial Revolution, the emergence of the UN, among others.of the UN, among others. This leads us to analyze the different themes and groups that have been the focus of pacts, conferences and conventions on human rights: women, dissidents, indigenous peoples, childhood, health, mental health, environment, as the most significant. As well as understanding the impacts of these in our country, Argentina. The questions that guide this work are: What are international organizations? How do they influence us? What are international documents? Why are they important? What impact do they have on people's health and wellbeing? In what historical moments have they been presented and how this has influenced them? What repercussions have they had on public policies? What is the articulation between public policies and social movements?. We understand that the last two questions do not have complete answers, but only outlines some aspects that we have considered important to have in mind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, various forms of activism have contributed to unveiling long-silenced histories and remembering some almost forgotten stories of struggle, giving visibility to other memories of the "nation". In this text, after briefly revisiting various studies on social representations of history, we reflect on some challenges based on findings from an ongoing interdisciplinary research program on decolonial activisms in the Portuguese public sphere. Mnemonic activisms challenge us to think about the histories that structure public memory, its uses and abuses, as well as its interconnections with power relations, both inside and outside the nation, in a context where the challenges facing our lives clearly go beyond national borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to outline a historical reconstitution of the configuration process of the field of popular education in Brazil, comprising its trajectory and its theoretical-conceptual development from the 1950s to the present day. This is a study with a qualitative approach built from bibliographical research with a descriptive characteristic, which was based on the narrative type review modality. As a result, different experiences, and historical moments of popular education in Brazil are characterized, for example: a) from the genesis to the process of disarticulation; b) the intensification of repression resulting from the civil-military dictatorship to the spread of practices across different sectors; c) from the emergence of new guidelines to the reinvention of the field of popular education; d) from political achievements to institutional challenges. Next, an attempt is made to outline a possible characterization of what popular education is in its multiplicity of perspectives. Finally, it is concluded that, in addition to understanding popular education as a political-pedagogical practice, understandings of this as a theory, a field of knowledge construction, an organized civil society movement, and public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present work is about the Popular Culture Movement (MCP). The Movement was created in the city of Recife, State of Pernambuco, Brazil, in 1960, inspired by the French Movement "Peuple et Culture" and had as its central objective the emancipation of the people through education and culture. With a popular educational proposal aimed mainly at impoverished communities in Recife, the MCP began to be developed and also to develop an education that sought to contextualize its teachings with the knowledge and life practices of the students. During the article, we first bring the creation and what the MCP was. We also approach the theoretical foundations of popular education, popular culture and social movements. Finally, we bring the performance of the MCP in the peripheral communities of Recife, the methodologies developed by the Movement and its expansion. This article was developed from a documentary and bibliographic methodology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the subjective and individual dimensions of the commitment made by young activists in different contemporary social movements. Two sources are used for its elaboration: case studies in Belgium, France, and Chile; and the analysis of discourses by a young woman from Texas and of Tunisian students mobilized for different causes (ecology, abortion rights, democracy, and social justice). On this basis, we examine how, in this activist way of life, the roots of commitment and the way of “living” social movements are no longer located within organizations or manifestos. Instead, they emerge from the interplay of personal subjectification, seen as the individual’s effort to shape themselves as a person and author of their own life, and the desire to become an active participant in addressing their society’s challenges. In the second section, we highlight three analytical biases that have contributed to an individualistic perspective on this form of activism: (i) the blurring of lines between the processes of subjectification and the (self-) affirmation of an “authentic self,” (ii) the reduction of activism to mere processes of subjectification, when one will combines these processes with another that stives to have an impact on society, and (iii) the consideration that personal dimensions replace the collective dimensions of activism. Far from a selfish individualism or a focus on self-fulfillment, this alter-activist culture encourages the combination of subjectification processes, the desire to become an actor in one’s society, and the personal encounter with others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A decade after the first studies, this article presents a critical balance of the findings and weaknesses of research addressing the relationship between communication and speed/slowness, comprising, among other subareas, slow journalism, media disconnection, and slow media. Our work reconstructs the role of reflection on this topic in communication studies and detects a set of emphases in the literature that detract from its critical potential, especially its individualistic bias and neglect of structural determinants and the interactions between technologies, sociality, and environment. Starting from a critical review of the main monographs, essays, and empirical analyses published to date (2010-2023), we found a set of emerging discussions, committing to redirecting the field by reinforcing the ideals of eco-social transformation that guided it in its beginnings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]