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Governments worldwide have made it a priority to combat religious extremism, resulting in various disciplinary and soft-power policies. This study focuses on dialogue as an effective way to counter and prevent religious extremism, using the Kharijites (the first extremist faction that mutinied against the caliphal authority) as a case study. Historical methodology is used to collect data, and a critical analysis is conducted using inductive and deductive methods to draw conclusions and insights for a proposed dialogue model. The essay argues that military power is ephemeral and sometimes counterproductive, so the emphasis should be on a long-lived "mind power." Further, given the embedded nature of religious underpinnings of extremists' ideologies, the study highlights seven key terms that form the foundation of the three-level dialogue model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alongside the private military company Wagner and his notorious Internet Research Agency (IRA), Yevgeny Prigozhin was associated with the Patriot Media Group (PMG) which amplified state narratives through its webpages and was registered by Roskomnadzor, the federal agency for supervision of Russian media. The Patriot Media Group was shut down after the mutiny, June 23, 2023, while most of its channels were removed or remain inactive currently. The essay provides a brief account of the Patriot Media Group’s structures, partnerships, and campaigns based on digital ethnographic observations of their web channels. The news coverage from predominantly Russian language news outlets sheds light on how the Group operated and what happened after Prigozhin’s mutiny. The essay concludes with some directions for future research on a complex and murky media production facility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We analyze a range of future scenarios for Russia related to the Ukraine War. Although regime change is a publicly-stated objective for several leaders of NATO countries, we find very little prospect for it. The Russian economy has largely evaded the effects of the sanctions. Despite enormous casualties and incompetence in the management of the war, both Putin and the war remain popular with the Russian public. Contrary to most analysis to date, the Wagner Group mutiny of June 2023 is not an indication of Putin’s weakness, but his strength. The coercive mechanisms of the Russian state remain intact. Indeed, they have grown stronger. Finally, there is little to no prospect for the emergence of a significant antiwar movement. Regardless of the outcome of the war in Ukraine, Putin is likely to remain in power. Western leaders should begin to grapple with this unpleasant reality and its policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Experience teaches that attorneys may violate duties of confidentiality and trust to pursue personal gain. Multiple insider trading, embezzlement, and fraud prosecutions prove the point. The Dodd-Frank Act of 2010 establishes a bounty regime whereby certain whistleblowers are eligible for awards of 10%-30% of Securities and Exchange Commission ("SEC") enforcement recoveries exceeding $1 million. Since its inception, this program has paid at least 207 whistleblowers more than $1 billion. The Commission's bounty program thus may be a meaningful inducement to breach privilege. The SEC asserts that its whistleblower authority preempts state law and that it can accept attorney-client privileged information. However, it simultaneously operates filter teams designed to sequester potentially privileged information from enforcement attorneys who might work on the matter, suggesting that it may be skeptical of its own preemption claim. This skepticism is warranted. The SEC's purported preemption is unsupported by the statutory text and legislative history. The Commission should, therefore, rescind its views regarding preemption but continue to operate its filter teams. The Commission would also be wise to modify its current filter team procedures and improve its communications regarding the receipt of potentially privileged information. Specifically, the Commission should reform and publicize its filter team procedures. It should also loudly warn whistleblowers that it will neither accept privileged information nor reward those who breach privilege. Finally, filter teams should adopt more aggressive techniques to ensure that they are not inadvertently receiving privileged information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to clarifying the relationship between the Cossacks and foreign soldiers in the military campaigns of False Dmitry I and False Dmitry II during the Time of Troubles in Russia in the early 17th century. Foreign mercenaries made up the bulk of False Dmitry I's army at the beginning of the invasion of Russia. The Ukrainian Cossacks were hired by Jerzy Mniszech; they supposedly played a supporting role. Jerzy Mniszech and the impostor's mercenaries departed from Russia after an unsuccessful siege of Novgorod-Seversky fortress; later their army was reinforced by twelve thousand military personnel mainly consisting of the Zaporozhian and other rebellious serving Cossacks. The Don army swore allegiance to the impostor after the mutiny near Kromy during the triumphal march on Moscow. At that time, foreign soldiers acted as the impostor's guard; however, they did not play a major role in the Uprising of Bolotnikov. The main driving force was the part of the service class that showed up. Free Cossack troops -- the Don, Zaporozhye, Yaitsky and most of the Tersk -- did not take part in the Uprising of Bolotnikov. The foreign army appeared under the banners of the "miraculously saved Tsar Dmitry" immediately after False Dimitri II was proclaimed Tsar. In the spring of 1608, Prince Roman Rozhinsky's foreign soldiers seized the leadership of the rebel movement and used the Bolotnikov Cossacks to suppress popular uprisings in the Zamoskovye and Pomeranian cities. After the invasion of King Sigismund III Vasa's troops and the subsequent collapse of the Tushino camp, tensions between the mercenaries and the Cossacks escalated into open clashes. The small foreign army formed in the imposter's Kaluga camp clearly played a subordinate role, and after the death of False Dmitry II they finally left the scene. By the summer of 1611, the foreign soldiers who had returned to the service of the king and the Russian Cossacks who had been actively involved in the Zemstvo militia had finally become irreconcilable enemies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Larq Journal for Philosophy, Linguistics & Social Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Luis Gusmán is undoubtedly one of the most representative authors of his generation, his 1973 work “El frasquito” (translated in Italy as “Il gemello”) marked a watershed, comparable to “El fiord” by Osvaldo Lamborghini or “Nanina” by Germán García. Gusmán is still today, in Argentina, a key figure for understanding the potential of that elusive, ghostly and perhaps now anachronistic object, which is the avant-garde.In his essay “La literatura amotinada “(2018), he revisits a concept (or rather a critical intuition) by Libertella, that of a mutinous literature, rebellious against the directives, conventions, and complacencies of the literary market: a strange, indigestible writing that not only transgresses what is established but also denies the very legitimacy of the Law that sets the boundaries of that establishment. In this interview, we asked Luis Gusmán both about that primal force of revolt, of mutiny, and about the ways in which this attitude contributes to rewriting a literary tradition and guiding the author’s own literary project. The recurring names of Héctor Libertella, Leónidas Lamborghini, Ricardo Piglia, Alberto Laiseca, and Jorge Luis Borges lead the way in this conversation.

Between the 1960s and 1970s, one of the central problems of Argentine literature was answering the question of how to write after Borges, how to relate to the omnipresence of his model. The poetics that emerged then as a generational response to that tension are still today an unsurpassed horizon for what concerns experimentation and originality: an entire generation of writers opposed to opportunistically exploiting the great international success of Latin American literature, launched two challenges, the first to cultural translation in which they were trained; the second to the impossibility of creating projects whose declared aim consisted in avoiding any mechanism of "capture" of the market. Starting from the concept of "mutinous literature", a concept proposed by one of the protagonists of that generation, Luis Gusmán, in this article four significant figures of Argentine literature of the last half century will be explored in depth, complementary and contrasting figures at the same time, problematic in the complex density of their proposals: Ricardo Piglia, Héctor Libertella, Leónidas Lamborghini and Alberto Laiseca.

A list, in alphabetical order by author and chronological order of Italian publication, updated to 30 October 2023, of all the works translated into Italian by authors who can be considered "mutineers", according to the perspective proposed by Luis Gusmán.

In 256 AH/869 CE, the rank-and-file of the Turkic-Central Asian military in Samarra, the Abbasid imperial centre, rose against their commanders and the caliphal court. This is according to al-Ṭabarī's third/ ninth-century Taʾrīkh (History). The present article discusses two related elements of the mutiny: the rise to influence and authority of members of the Samarran military command, and the resentment of the rank-and-file troops. The main topic, however, is collective action on the part of the troops. The issue is social (re)formation and solidarity on the part of enslaved and freed persons brought together by the circumstances of enslavement in a particular time and place, in this case third/ninth-century Abbasid Iraq. In treating the rebellion, the article draws briefly, in a comparative manner, on the work of scholars of imperial Rome, early medieval Europe, and the antebellum U.S. South. Drawing on what al-Ṭabarī tells us of the mutiny, the article also considers the history of enslavement and unfreedom in early Islamic-era society more broadly. The mutiny serves in this sense as a case study in the history of slavery in early Islamic society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates Republic of China Navy (ROCN) 'defection mutinies' during the Chinese Civil War where mutineers seized ROCN vessels and defected to the Chinese Communists. Examining the memoirs of defection mutiny ringleaders and participants, this paper postulates the determinant that enabled ROCN defection mutinies was Chinese Communist covert action that capitalised on ROCN internal conflicts, weakened the collective action problem's effect on pre-empting mutinies and provided the necessary support to conspirators that led to defection mutinies based on Communist preferences. This research contributes to the military studies sub-field by exposing the intersection between covert action and wartime military unrest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The military institution is structured in a manner that is meant to promote smooth flow of orders and instructions for implementation. Perhaps this is premised on the fact that time and disciplines are two critical variables that drive the military culture. Thus, this paper finds that in the theatre of operations, poor supply of equipment and lack of basic force projection and protection indices for soldiers could result in open or 'passive obedience' where troops' morale are either dampened or become an endless test on their patriotism and an albatross in their quest to defend the territorial integrity and citizens of their nation. This paper argues that for the best possible outcomes of combat efficiency to be gotten from field combatants, there must be an availability of the basic requirements that would aid the field combatants in attaining their strategic objectives. Furthermore, the paper drives the position that failure in the preceding areas will only portend extensive threats to the country's national security. The paper relied mostly on secondary sources available in extant literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This letter sets out to provide helpful advice to President Putin following the recent mutiny of the Wagner Group. It suggests he has made a catastrophic mistake in invading Ukraine and needs to read the history of previous Russian mutinies to understand how they happen and what is likely to happen next. This is a story that starts in Ukraine and ends in chaos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This briefing explores the factors that led to the consolidated position of the Nigerien Security and Defence forces in support of the coup d'état launched the night of 26th July 2023. The initial blockade of the former President's palace by the head of the Presidential Guard and 350 of its members looked like a mutiny. However, instead of moving swiftly to end the blockade, commanders from across the security forces appeared on national television that night to announce a coup. We show how dominant theories that have been used to explain the coup's (unlikely) success, including those relying on patrimonialism and coups as intra-military coordination games, do not adequately explain the support for the coup across rank and file, and the direction the coup took once announced. We argue that this coup cannot be fully explained without considering how the coup leaders advanced powerful ideological messages to garner support. By making the coup about 'correcting' the government's counter-insurgency strategy and regaining Niger's sovereignty through the removal of French counter-terrorism troops from the country, members of the military believed that everyone else would support the coup, thus making it less likely that they would resist the coup leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article, titled "Mutiny on the Rising Sun: A Tragic Tale of Slavery, Smuggling, and Chocolate," discusses the mutiny that occurred on the ship Rising Sun in 1743. The mutineers planned to sail the ship to Orinoco, sell the cargo and the vessel, and split the money. The book provides a detailed account of the mutiny and explores the connections between smuggling, slavery, and the growing British demand for chocolate. The article also mentions the importance of the book for research on rural social hierarchies, gender norms, social change, and economic development. [Extracted from the article]

In 1859, Key West found itself transfixed by a sensational criminal trial. Styled United States v. Carcer, Eloy, and Davis, and presided over by William Marvin, the island's legendary federal judge, the case involved a mutiny-murder aboard the slave ship Enterprise. Although famous in its day, the tale has been all but forgotten due to the Great Key West Fire of 1886, which destroyed nearly every record of the affair. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Millars: Espai i Història is the property of Millars: Espai i Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Review of: 12 jours à Nuku Hiva: Rencontres et révolte russe dans le Pacifique Sud (12 Days at Nuku Hiva: Russian Encounters and Mutiny in the South Pacific), Elena Govor (2021) Leiden: Sidestone Press, 406 pp., ISBN 978 9 46426 018 2 (pbk), €60 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Midshipman Philip Spencer aboard the I Somers i had grown up in an affluent family in Canadiagua, New York. Spencer's father ultimately located him and convinced him to become a naval officer; Spencer's father, used his influence with Abel P. Upshur, the Secretary of the Navy, to secure his son a midshipman's appointment. Reporting information to the commander, later that evening Mackenzie approached the 19-year-old Midshipman Philip Spencer and had him arrested and put in irons for inciting mutiny. [Extracted from the article]

"Chasing the Bounty: The Voyages of the Pandora and Matavy" by Donald A. Maxton is a collection of primary sources that recount the story of the HMS Pandora, which was dispatched by the British Admiralty in 1791 to capture the mutineers of the HMS Bounty. The book includes accounts from officers on the Pandora, as well as letters from Bounty men. The voyage of the Pandora was even deadlier than that of the Bounty, with the ship striking a reef in the Torres Strait and resulting in the death of 31 crew members and four prisoners. While the book is not a scholarly edition, it provides valuable insights into the Pandora's voyage and the broader context of the Bounty mutiny. [Extracted from the article]

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the cases of desertion in Spanish and English circumnavigations undertaken during the 16th century. Only four expeditions were able to overcome the Strait of Magellan and enter the Pacific Ocean, but there were many more attempts to repeat the voyages round the world, and in each we meet cases of desertion. The aim of the study is to identify common features of the described cases of desertion, and characteristics of the methods of maintaining order and discipline on ships. The crucial moment for most expeditions was the sectors from La Plata to the Strait of Magellan and attempts to cross the Strait of Magellan, as the ultimately dangerous part of the route. We find only one case of desertion in the Pacific Ocean, caused by the quarrel of the crew over captured spoil. In most part of the examples, desertion was caused by fear of the unexplored sea roads, by conflicts of interest and social contradictions, by personal enmity of crew members or by dissatisfaction with the actions of the leader of the expedition. The punishment for deserters at their homeland was surprisingly mild. The captains of the escaped ships not only saved their lives, but also continued their careers. But for every circumnavigation loss of even one ship was critical and could lead to difficulties or complete failure of the voyage.

The loss of the Dutch East India Company ship Batavia in 1629 on the Houtman Abrolhos off the west coast of Australia and subsequent mutiny is one of the most dramatic events in the history of European encounters with Australia, and was widely popularized in 17th-century publications. The archaeological remains surpass that of a shipwreck with its consequent jetsam and flotsam, and are the silent witnesses to a cultural landscape of survival created within a few months by a horrible sequence of events. Here we present archaeological evidence collected from 2014 to 2019 in a new research project that informs on these historical events. We discovered 12 victims in single and multiple graves, as well as evidence for survivors' resistance to a band of mutineers and remains of the possible gallows site where 7 mutineers were executed. Together these sites contribute to the understanding of the survival landscape at one of the earliest European sites in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Mauricius and his pamphlet, "Les Profiteurs de la guerre," published amidst the turmoil of the Chemin des Dames bloodshed in 1917, which vehemently accused various entities—companies, banks, speculators, officers, and shopkeepers—of profiting from the war. Topics include Mauricius's publication during the troubled times of mutinies and bloodshed, detailing his broad indictment of multiple entities involved in profiteering during the First World War.

This article examines how and why the nineteenth-century Nubian mutiny in colonial Uganda was not only a military mutiny as widely perceived by many scholars but a social uprising as well. Recognised for their military skills and discipline by the British in the early nineteenth century, in 1897, the Nubian soldiers serving in the British army mutinied against their British masters whom they accused of breach of a social contract made between themselves, under their leader Selim Bey, and Fredrick Lugard on behalf of the British at Kavali in the southwestern corner of Lake Albert in 1891. I use archival written materials augmented with oral histories of both the Nubian and non-Nubian participants, to provide an in-depth socio-historical account of the nineteenth-century Nubian mutiny in Uganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Concentrating on a series of mutinies that were planned during the summer of 1798 to take a number of British warships of the Channel Fleet into the enemy port of Brest, this article is a micro study of one of those ships, the 74-gun Defiance in the three-week period, 7–28 July 1798, during which the plot was hatched. The intention is to throw light on a number of key questions that relate to the organization and character of these planned mutinies, with consideration given to the motivating factors, the extent to which an organizational structure existed and identification of the key activists. Effectively a cross-sectional micro analysis of one ship's crew at a single point in time, it will allow for a better understanding of the vast range of factors that coalesced in the development of a plot to seize not just this warship, but at least seven other ships of the Channel Fleet while cruising off the port of Brest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Tillaberi region of Niger, 20 soldiers and one civilian were killed in an ambush on June 25th. The soldiers were attacked by a heavily armed coalition of assailants while carrying out a security sweep near Tassia village. The region has been a center of conflict, with rebels linked to Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State group waging an insurgency for almost a decade. Niger's army responded to the attack by killing over 100 terrorists in air and ground operations. The country has faced an upsurge in militant attacks since a coup in July 2023, mainly targeting defense and security forces in the Tillaberi region. Additionally, scores of Boko Haram jihadists and their relatives surrendered to the Mixed Multinational Force in Niger and Cameroon, and IS claimed responsibility for a prison break in the Tillaberi region. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista Estudios de Filosofía is the property of Universidad de Antioquia, Instituto de Filosofia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A study of the events at both Ambala and Meerut indicates that the sepoys' plan was to rise in revolt while the Europeans were attending the Sunday church services. They wanted to catch them, unaware and unguarded. The uprising of the sepoys at Ambala in the morning and at Meerut in the evening is explained by this fact. The rest of the details of the uprising were to be worked out locally by the leaders in the two cantonments. The existence of a premeditated plan of rising at Meerut—the 20th N.I. and 11th N.I. would rise and the 3rd Light Cavalry would follow them after releasing their fellows from the jail, was confessed by a native officer of the 3rd L.C. to Lt. Gough. The final part of the plan involved going to Delhi after completely destroying the Europeans at the two stations. The British were, however, too alert to be caught napping at Ambala, and the sepoys failed to translate their plans into action. But they succeeded at Meerut. Had the Ambala troops succeeded like those at Meerut, the British would have found their work of a century undone overnight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on indiscipline and unrest aboard ship during the Age of Sail so far have mostly focused on the norm-violating behaviours of common seamen. This article, by contrast, investigates acts of insubordination committed by warrant and commissioned officers in the Royal Navy, using courts martial records as sources. It traces the contours of that historical phenomenon, identifying common confrontations as well as less frequent ones that may prove to be particularly revealing about disobedience among naval officers and what this can tell us about governance afloat and its challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]