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Building on cornerstone traditions in historical sociology, as well as work in environmental sociology and political-economic sociology, we theorize and investigate with moderation analysis how and why national militaries shape the effect of economic growth on carbon pollution. Militaries exert a substantial influence on the production and consumption patterns of economies, and the environmental demands required to support their evolving infrastructure. As far-reaching and distinct characteristics of contemporary militarization, we suggest that both the size and capital intensiveness of the world’s militaries enlarge the effect of economic growth on nations’ carbon emissions. In particular, we posit that each increases the extent to which the other amplifies the effect of economic growth on carbon pollution. To test our arguments, we estimate longitudinal models of emissions for 106 nations from 1990 to 2016. Across various model specifications, robustness checks, a range of sensitivity analyses, and counterfactual analysis, the findings consistently support our propositions. Beyond advancing the environment and economic growth literature in sociology, this study makes significant contributions to sociological research on climate change and the climate crisis, and it underscores the importance of considering the military in scholarship across the discipline.

Day reporting centers (DRCs) are increasingly popular alternative to traditional forms of supervision. Yet, studies that describe a fairly common set of programs and services among DRCs produce conflicting results regarding their efficacy, suggesting that as yet unobserved characteristics of DRCs might explain their varying efficacy. This article relies on a mixed-methods analysis of DRCs. Using quasi-experimental regression techniques and a conservative control group to estimate the average treatment effect of DRC participation, we analyze recidivism outcomes (arrests and convictions) after a 2-year follow-up period. We then draw on qualitative interview data to reveal which aspects of the DRC programs’ clients identify as most important for successful re-entry. Our analysis suggests that DRCs reduce recidivism for participants by 10.8 (convictions) to 12.8 (arrests) percentage points. Our interview data suggest that high levels of social support from justice-involved DRC staff amplify the effects of programming to help explain this outcome.

In this article, the authors develop a taxonomy of the micro-mechanisms by which well-studied macro-level structural changes and institutional contexts distribute income and assess this taxonomy empirically. The authors’ taxonomy explicates five distinct micro-mechanisms that operate inside and outside of the labor market to either increase (premiums) or decrease (penalties) income shares. Their analysis of total household income among over 1 million households across 14 countries and 39 years yields four contributions. First, the findings provide “middle-range” evidence regarding the specific micro-mechanisms of each macro-process. Second, premiums are more common micro-mechanisms than penalties, consistent with the phenomenon of “upper-tail polarization” observed in the literature. Third, workplace authority is the most important micro-mechanism operating in the labor market, but the top-income premium is the most important micro-mechanism overall. Finally, the relative importance of the top-income premium is greater for structural change than institutional context, which portends demands for new forms of redistribution.

Social science interest in professionals and managers as a left- and liberal-trending stratum has increased in recent years. Using General Social Survey data over a 44-year period, the authors examine 15 attitudes spanning social, economic, and political identity liberalism. On nearly all attitudes, professionals and managers have trended in a liberal direction, have liberalized more quickly than blue-collar workers, and are either as or more liberal than blue-collar workers. The authors find that the higher levels of education among professionals and managers, their tendency to adopt nonauthoritarian outlooks, and their lower propensity to identify with fundamentalist religion mediate their more liberal trends vis-à-vis blue-collar workers. Conversely, their higher relative incomes suppress the extent of their economic and criminal justice liberalism. The authors’ theorization links changes in the macro-economy to growing gaps in the composition of the two strata and the activities of politicians and parties to consolidate emerging political differences.

Cross-national empirical research about the link between income inequality and population health produces conflicting conclusions. We address these mixed findings by examining the degree to which the income inequality and health relationship varies with economic development. We estimate fixed-effects models with different measures of income inequality and population health. Results suggest that development moderates the association between inequality and two measures of population health. Our findings produce two generalizations. First, we observe a global gradient in the relationship between income inequality and population health. Second, our results are consistent with income inequality as a proximate or conditional cause of lower population health. Income inequality has a 139.7% to 374.3% more harmful effect on health in poorer than richer countries and a significantly harmful effect in 2.1% to 53.3% of countries in our sample and 6.6% to 67.6% of the world's population but no significantly harmful effect in richer countries.

Comparative sociologists have long considered occupations to be a key source of inequality. However, data constraints make comparative research on two of the more important contemporary drivers of occupational stratification – globalization and technological change – relatively scarce. This article introduces a new dataset on occupational ‘routine task intensity’ (RTI) and ‘offshorability’ (OFFS) for use with the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS). To produce these data, we recoded 23 country-specific occupational schemes (74 LIS country-years) to the two-digit ISCO-88 scheme. When combined with the handful of LIS countries already reporting their occupations in ISCO-88, we produce individual level RTI and OFFS scores for 38 LIS countries and 160 LIS country-years. To assess the validity of these recodes, we compare average labor-income ratios predicted by recoded ISCO-88 occupational categories to those predicted by reported ISCO-88 occupational categories within countries that transitioned from country-specific to ISCO-88 codes over time. To assess the utility of these RTI and OFFS scores and advance the literature on income polarization, we analyze their association with work hours and labor incomes in the global North and South. Both covariates correlate with work hours in ways that are consistent with previous research and additional theoretical considerations. Moreover, we show that both RTI and OFFS contribute to income polarization directly in the North, but not in the South. This article generates a public good data infrastructure that will be of use to a wide variety of social scientists, and brings new evidence to bear on the question of income polarization in rich democracies.

A unique dataset on bilateral investment treaties provides a novel source of evidence on the link between neoliberal globalisation and market transition. We argue that postsocialist countries of Europe and Eurasia, more than other developing regions in the world, signed such treaties to signal demand for foreign investment in the spirit of neoliberalism. We calculated the density of the whole BIT network since its inception in 1959 to 2009, and density and centrality of different regional blocks within it, and found strong support for our argument. Yet, even if bilateral investment treaties are designed to promote foreign direct investment, dynamic panel regression models show that signing them does not automatically translate into foreign direct investment inflows for postsocialist European and Eurasian countries in the 1990–2010 period.

In this article, I explicate an organizational theory that links global models of networked organization to cross-national variation in manufacturing specialization. To subject the theory to empirical scrutiny, I derive cross-nationally comparable measurements of the average network position of resident firms in two industries with ideal-typical forms of network governance- garments and transportation equipment. Analytical results suggest that manufacturing specialization varies by network position in both industries, even when controlling for timeinvariant country-specific organizational unobservables and conventional thinking on international specialization. Moreover, these networks matter only during the period after which the two types of governance are alleged to have become the predominant organizational logic of the two industries, and are more important for manufacturing specialization in the transport-equipment industry. The article concludes by implicating these findings in discussions of the distribution of the gains from networked forms of economic organization. © The Author(s) 2012.

Interdisciplinary literature on global commodity chains (GCCs)/global value chains (GVCs) and global production networks (GPNs) contends that inter-firm power differentials within globally networked forms of economic organization have implications for the developmental trajectories of nation-states. In this article, I advance these literatures in three ways. First, I bridge the two approaches by elaborating an exchange-theoretic conceptualization of inter-firm power that is latent in the two literatures. This conceptualization focuses narrowly on the determinants of inter-firm power asymmetries and is useful for explaining why actual production networks vary in terms of the relative power of buyers and producers. Second, I develop an empirical framework to advance basic research on the link between globally networked forms of economic organization and national economic development. In particular, I derive cross-nationally and temporally comparable country-level measurements of the average bargaining power of a country's resident firms using industry-specific international exchange (trade) networks. I demonstrate the validity of these indices through a historical analysis of trade networks in the transport equipment and garment industries and by analysing cross-national variations in wages in the two industries. Finally, I conclude by charting a parallel path for GCC/GVC and GPN research that implicates global models of network organization in macro-comparative analyses of economic development. © 2013 © 2013 Taylor & Francis.

Day reporting centers (DRCs) are increasingly popular alternative to traditional forms of supervision. Yet, studies that describe a fairly common set of programs and services among DRCs produce conflicting results regarding their efficacy, suggesting that as yet unobserved characteristics of DRCs might explain their varying efficacy. This article relies on a mixed-methods analysis of DRCs. Using quasi-experimental regression techniques and a conservative control group to estimate the average treatment effect of DRC participation, we analyze recidivism outcomes (arrests and convictions) after a 2-year follow-up period. We then draw on qualitative interview data to reveal which aspects of the DRC programs' clients identify as most important for successful re-entry. Our analysis suggests that DRCs reduce recidivism for participants by 10.8 (convictions) to 12.8 (arrests) percentage points. Our interview data suggest that high levels of social support from justice-involved DRC staff amplify the effects of programming to help explain this outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We assess the degree to which the policy preferences of female legislators explain the widely observed negative association between women's political representation (known as "women in parliament," or WIP) and corruption. While a broad literature suggests that WIP reduces corruption, there is little consensus on how. Some suggest that the effect is driven by women's psychology—perhaps women are more prosocial or more risk-averse than men, and thus engage in less corruption. Others suggest that the effect is driven by policy preferences: because it serves the interest of their female constituents, women promote social spending, which in turn reduces corruption. We employ a mediation analysis that allows us to test the mediating effect of social spending, and to provide an upper bound for alternative explanations. Our results suggest that social spending explains as much as 69 percent of the effect of WIP on corruption, leaving as little as 31 percent for alternative explanations. These results are robust to concerns about spurious WIP effects, sample composition, and the potential for endogeneity in the link from either WIP or social spending to corruption. We conclude by implicating these findings in broader discussions about the beneficial effects of WIP for governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]