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The article focuses on the public opinion, foreign policy and advocacy related to the Arab and Muslim Americans. It offers information domestic political environment relate to governmental foreign policy-making system in the U.S. It focuses on the relationship between domestic political forces and foreign policy behavior.

The article focuses on the paper highlighting two-state solution offered by President Barack Obama to end Israeli-Palestinian conflict with the help of lobbying. It reflects on the lack of resources among the Arab groups for constitution of independent domestic structures. The paper has been submitted for the 2011 Southern Political Science Association Conference to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana from January 6-8, 2011.

The article focuses on the paper highlighting two-state solution offered by President Barack Obama to end Israeli-Palestinian conflict and give new life to Arab and Muslim Americans who are associated with the conflict. It reflects on the lack of resources among the Arab groups for constitution of independent domestic structures. The paper has been submitted for the 2011 Southern Political Science Association Conference to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana from January 6-8, 2011.

After years of vacillating on Palestinian national aspirations, the majority of Americans have come to favor “the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the West Bank and the Gaza strip.” Reflecting that shift in public opinion, through the ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paper outlines pro-Arab lobby, its position vis-a-vis the pro-Israel lobby, and its history and potential in shaping American foreign policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the interplay between public opinion, pro-Arab, and pro-Israel lobbying groups in the United States. It looks at how lobbying organizations shaped public opinion favoring the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It also investigates how public opinion in turn provided the parameters for US policymakers to pursue the two-state solution as the formula for peace. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"American Public Opinion and the Palestinian State" examines the role of public opinion on US foreign policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Specifically, it looks at the evolution of public opinion towards Palestinian statehood and the influences of pro-Arab and pro-Israel lobbying groups on the two-state solution. To do that, the paper focuses on four distinct periods in the history of American foreign policymaking: 1. during the late 1970s after the signing of the Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel through the 1980s "strategic alliance" between the Jewish state and the US; 2. the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, roughly the period of George H. W. Bush's presidency, the height of the Intifada, and the end of the Cold War; 3. in the 1990s after the Madrid and Oslo peace talks; and 4. after the "end of the peace process" and 9/11/2001. This paper concludes that while public opinion is important to American foreign policy thinking, change took place only gradually while pro-Arab and pro-Israel pressure groups had important parts to play in elite decision-making and at the level of popular sentiment concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Death of America, the Birth of a Sovereign? Hobbes and the War On Terrorism After 9/11 Abstract By Khalil M. Marrar This paper contends that in the age of ?the war on terrorism,? United States policy has become a Hobbesian sovereign both domestically, and internationally. After a brief synopsis of Hobbes?s sovereign, I argue that American governance on the local, federal, and international levels subjugates all political, economic, and societal actors and principles to combating terrorism. Focusing on the political sphere, I ask whether this new found American mission is actually a fulfillment of a national destiny and a forging of a new identity, or if it is merely an aberration of a fleeting order under an especially ambitious administration. I frame my argument within the context of the debate over modernity, and reread Hobbes?s theory of the sovereign and government to accommodate not only the nation-state, but its domestic and geopolitical affairs as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contends that in the age of the war on terrorism, United States policy has become a Hobbesian sovereign both domestically, and internationally. After a brief synopsis of Hobbes’s sovereign, I argue that American governance on the local, federal, and international levels subjugates all political, economic, and societal actors and principles to combating terrorism. Focusing on the political sphere, I ask whether this new found American mission is actually a fulfillment of a national destiny and a forging of a new identity, or if it is merely an aberration of a fleeting order under an especially ambitious administration. I frame my argument within the context of the debate over modernity, and reread Hobbes’s theory of the sovereign and government to accommodate not only the nation-state, but its domestic and geopolitical politics as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With so much discussion of the powerful pro-Israel lobby's impacts on American foreign policy in the Middle East, little attention is paid to the pro-Arab groups in Washington, DC. While appreciating the strength of the former, this paper attempts to outline how the latter try to shape American policy on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. From research conducted with assistance from the American Political Science Association's Centennial Center, I look at pro-Arab political action in three overlapping settings. First, I contrast pro-Arab efforts with those of the pro-Israel lobby, particularly the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. I ask, why are pro-Arab groups weak compared to the pro-Israel lobby? Second, I look at pro-Palestinian efforts within the larger pro-Arab lobbying background. In particular, I am interested in contrasting similarities and differences between the pro-Palestinian and pro-Arab organizational missions. Third, I examine the interaction between the pro-Arab networks and American policy. From interviews conducted with leaders of pro-Arab organizations in Washington DC, this paper inspects the efforts to influence American foreign policy toward the two-state solution in the post-Cold War world and during the war on terrorism. I find that while pro-Arab lobbying pales in comparison to those of the pro-Israel lobby, the end of the Cold-War, the current war on terrorism, and clear American and international support for the two-state solution as manifested by public opinion polls, policymakers' statements, and United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1397 and 1515, provide the pro-Arab lobby with a crucial opportunity to realize its vision of Palestinian statehood. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the interplay between public opinion, pro-Arab, and pro-Israel lobbying groups. It looks at how lobbying organizations shaped public opinion favoring the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It also investigates how public opinion in turn provided the parameters for policymakers to pursue the two-state solution as the formula for peace. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With so much discussion of the powerful pro-Israel lobby?s impacts on American foreign policy in the Middle East, little attention is paid to the pro-Arab groups in Washington, DC. While appreciating the strength of the former, this paper attempts to outline how the latter try to shape American policy on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. From research conducted with assistance from the American Political Science Association?s Centennial Center, I look at pro-Arab political action in three overlapping settings. First, I contrast pro-Arab efforts with those of the pro-Israel lobby, particularly the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. I ask, why are pro-Arab groups weak compared to the pro-Israel lobby? Second, I look at pro-Palestinian efforts within the larger pro-Arab lobbying background. In particular, I am interested in contrasting similarities and differences between the pro-Palestinian and pro-Arab organizational missions. Third, I examine the interaction between the pro-Arab networks and American policy. From interviews conducted with leaders of pro-Arab organizations in Washington DC, this paper inspects the efforts to influence American foreign policy toward the two-state solution in the post-Cold War world and during the war on terrorism. I find that while pro-Arab lobbying pales in comparison to those of the pro-Israel lobby, the end of the Cold-War, the current war on terrorism, and clear American and international support for the two-state solution as manifested by public opinion polls, policymakers? statements, and United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1397 and 1515, provide the pro-Arab lobby with a crucial opportunity to realize its vision of Palestinian statehood. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]